Negative Dialectics
Translation by Dennis Redmond � 2001
Part III. Models. Freedom: Metacritique of Practical Reason
�False Problem� [Scheinproblem] 211-213
The talk of false problems once wished to prevent, for the purposes of enlightenment, the
unquestioned authority of dogmas to set the course of considerations, whose decisions
would be impossible precisely to the thinking to which they were submitted. There is an
echo of this in the pejorative use of the word scholastic. For some time however false
problems are no longer presumed to be those which ridicule rational judgements and
rational interests, but those which use concepts not clearly defined. A semantic taboo
strangles substantive questions, as if they were only questions of meaning; the
preliminary consideration degenerates into the ban on consideration altogether. The
ground-rules of methods modeled without further ado on the current ones of exact
science regulate what may be thought, no matter how urgent the matter; approved modes
of procedure, the means, win primacy over what is to be cognized, the ends. Experiences
which conflict with the explicit signs assigned to them are given a dressing-down. The
difficulties which they cause are laid solely to lax pre-scientific nomenclature. � Whether
the will would be free, is so relevant as the recalcitrance of the termini towards the
desiderata of simply and clearly stating what they mean. Since justice and punishment,
finally the possibility of what the tradition of philosophy has throughout called morality
or ethics, depends on the answer, the intellectual need is not to be talked out of the na�ve
question as a false problem. The self-righteous tidiness of thinking offers it a poor
substitute satisfaction. Nevertheless the semantic critique is not to be carelessly ignored.
The urgency of a question cannot compel any answer, insofar as no true one is to be
obtained; still less however can the fallible need, even the desperate one, indicate the
direction of the answer. The objects under discussion are to be reflected upon, not by
judging them as an existent or a not-existent, but by absorbing into their own
determination the impossibility of making them tangibly thingly [dingfest], as much as
the necessity to think them. This is attempted in the antinomy chapter of the Critique of
Pure Reason and in great swathes of the Critique of Practical Reason, with the express
intent or without it; admittedly Kant did not totally avoid therein the dogmatic usage,
which he, like Hume, upbraids in other traditional concepts. He settled the conflict
between facticity � �nature� � and what is necessary to thought � the intelligible world �
in dichotomical fashion. If however the will or freedom cannot be pointed out as
something existent, then this does not at all exclude, after the analogy to simple
predialectical epistemology, individual impulses or individual experiences from being
synthesized under concepts to which no naturalistic substrate corresponds, which
however similarly reduce those impulses or experiences to a common denominator,
comparable to how the Kantian �object� does to its appearances. According to its model,
the will would be the lawful [gesetzmaessige] unity of all impulses, which prove
themselves to be simultaneously spontaneous and rationally determined, as distinct from
the natural causality in whose framework it in any case remains: no sequence of acts of
will outside of the causal nexus. Freedom would be the word for the possibility of those
impulses. But the snap epistemological answer is not adequate. The question as to
whether the will would be free or not, compels an either/or, just as dubious as conclusive,
which the concept of the will as the lawful [gesetzmaessiges] unity of its impulses glosses
over indifferently. And above all the monadological structure of will and freedom is
tacitly assumed, as in the model of conceptual construction oriented to subjective
immanence-philosophy. The simplest of things contradicts it: mediated through what
analytic psychology calls the �reality check�, countless moments of externalized, indeed
social reality go along together with the decisions designated by will and freedom; if the
concept of what rationally accords in the will is supposed to say anything at all, then it
refers to this, however stubbornly Kant may dispute this. What lends the immanence-
philosophical determination of those concepts their elegance and their autarky is, in truth,
in view of the factual decisions, whereby the question as to whether they are free or
unfree can be asked, an abstraction; what it leaves over of what is psychological, is
scanty in contrast to the real complexion of inner and outer. Nothing is to be read out of
this impoverished, chemical extract, which might predicate freedom or its opposite. Put
more strictly and at the same time more Kantian still, the empirical subject which makes
those decisions � and only an empirical one can make them, the transcendental pure �I
think� would not be capable of any impulse � is itself a moment of the spatio-temporal
�external� world and has no ontological priority before it; that is why the attempt to
localize the question of free will in it failed. It drew the line between what is intelligible
and what is empirical in the midst of empiricism. That much is true in the thesis of the
false problem. As soon as the question of free will shrinks into that of the decision of
every individual, dissolving this out of its context and that which is individuated
[Individuum] out of society, it hews to the deception of absolute pure being-in-itself:
delimited subjective experience usurps the dignity of what is most certain of all. The
substrate of the alternative has something fictive about it. The presumed subject, which is
existing-in-itself, is in itself mediated by that which it separates itself from, by the context
of all subjects. Through the mediation it becomes itself what, according to its
consciousness of freedom, it does not wish to be, heteronomous. Even where unfreedom
is positively assumed, its conditions, as those of an immanently closed psychic causality,
are sought in the split-off individuated, which is essentially nothing split-off of the sort. If
not even the individual can find the matter-at-hand of freedom in itself, just as little may
the theorem of the determination of the na�ve feeling of caprice be simply extinguished
post festum; the doctrine of psychological determinism was carried out only in a late
phase.
Interest in Freedom Split 213-215
Since the seventeenth century great philosophy has deemed freedom to be its most
characteristic interest; under the unexpressed mandate of the bourgeois class, to
transparently ground it. That interest however is antagonistic in itself. It goes against the
old oppression and promotes the new one, which lies hidden in the rational principle
itself. A common formulation is sought for freedom and oppression: the former is ceded
to rationality, which delimits it, and removed from empiricism, in which one does not
wish to see it realized at all. The dichotomy is also related to advancing scientization. The
class is allied to it, insofar as it encourages production, and must fear it, as soon as it
infringes upon the belief that their freedom, already resigned to sheer inwardness, would
be existent. This is what really stands behind the doctrine of the antinomies. Already in
Kant and later in the idealists the idea of freedom appeared in opposition to specific
scientific research, particularly psychology. Their objects were banished by Kant into the
realm of unfreedom; positive science is supposed to have its place underneath speculation
� in Kant: underneath the doctrine of the noumena. With the waning of the speculative
power and the correlative development of the particular sciences, the opposition
sharpened to an extreme. The particular sciences paid for this with hidebound pettiness,
philosophy with non-committal emptiness. The more the particular sciences confiscated
of its content � as psychology did to the genesis of the character, over which even Kant
made wild guesses � the more embarrassingly do philosophemes on the freedom of the
will degenerate into declamations. If the particular sciences seek ever more nomothetism
[Gesetzmaessigkeit]; if they are thereby, before any fundamental views, driven to the
party of determinism, then philosophy increasingly becomes the storehouse of pre-
scientific, apologetic intuitions of freedom. The antinomics of freedom in Kant, just like
the dialectics of freedom in Hegel, form an essential philosophical moment; after them
academic philosophy, at least, swore by the idol of a higher realm beyond empiricism.
The intelligible freedom of individuals is praised, so that one can hold the empirical ones
even more ruthlessly accountable, to better curb them by the prospect of a metaphysically
justified punishment. The alliance of the doctrine of freedom and repressive praxis
distances philosophy ever further from genuine insight into the freedom and unfreedom
of living beings. It approximates, anachronistically, that faded sublimity which Hegel
diagnosed as the misery of philosophy. Because however the particular science � that of
criminal justice is exemplary � cannot handle the question concerning freedom and must
reveal its own incompetence, it seeks assistance precisely from the philosophy which
through its bad and abstract opposition to scientivism cannot provide such assistance.
Where science hopes for the decision on what it finds irresolvable from philosophy, it
receives from the latter only the solace of the humdrum world-view. In it individual
scientists orient then themselves according to taste and, one must fear, according to their
own psychological drive-structure. The relationship to the complex of freedom and
determinism is delivered helter-skelter over to irrationality, oscillating between
inconclusive, more or less empirical specific findings and dogmatic generalities.
Ultimately the attitude to that complex becomes dependent on political affiliation or the
power recognized at the moment. Reflections on freedom and determinism sound archaic,
as if dating from the early epoch of the revolutionary bourgeoisie. But that freedom
grows obsolete, without being realized, is not to be accepted as a fatality; resistance must
explain this. Not the least of the reasons why the idea of freedom lost its power over
human beings is that it was conceived of so abstractly-subjectively in advance, that the
objective social tendency could bury it without difficulty.
Freedom, Determinism, Identity 215-217
The indifference towards freedom, its concept and the thing itself, is caused by the
integration of society, which the subjects experience as if it were irresistible. Their
interest in being cared for has crippled the one in a freedom which they fear as
defenselessness. The very mention of freedom, just like the appeal to it, already rings
hollow. That is what an intransigent nominalism adjusts itself to. The fact that it relegates
the objective antinomies, in keeping with the logical canon, into the realm of false
problems, has for its part a social function: to conceal contradictions through denial. By
holding on to data or their contemporary heirs, protocol statements, consciousness is
disburdened of what would contradict that which is external. According to the rules of
that ideology, only the modes of conduct of human beings in various situations would
need to be described and classified; any talk of the will or freedom would be conceptual
fetishism. All determinations of the I ought thereby, as behaviorism in fact planned, to be
simply translated back into modes of reaction and individual reactions, which could then
be nailed down. What is left out of consideration is that what is nailed down produces
new qualities in contrast to the reflexes, out of which the former may have originated.
The positivists unconsciously obey the dogma of the preeminence of the first, which their
metaphysical archenemies entertained: �What is specifically most revered is what is most
ancient, the sworn witness is however the most honored of all.�1 In Aristoteles it is
mythos; what survives of it in straight out anti-mythologists is the conception that
everything which is would be reducible to what it once was. In the like for like of their
quantifying methods there is as little room for the self-producing other as the bane of
destiny. What however has been objectified in human beings out of their reflexes and
against these, character or will, the potential organ of freedom, also undermines this last.
For it embodies the dominating principle, to which humanity progressively submits.
Identity of the self and self-alienation accompany each other from the very beginning;
that is why the concept of self-alienation is badly romantic. The condition of freedom,
identity is immediately at the same time the principle of determinism. The will is, insofar
as human beings objectify themselves into character. Thereby they become, towards
themselves � whatever that may be � something externalized, according to the model of
the external world of things, subjugated to causality. � Moreover the positivistic concept
of the �reaction�, purely descriptive by its own intent, presupposes incomparably more
than what it confesses: passive dependence on each given situation. What is spirited away
a priori is the reciprocal influence of subject and object, spontaneity is already excluded
by the method, in unison with the ideology of adjustment, which breaks human beings,
ready to serve the course of the world, once more of the habit of that moment. If there
remained only passive reactions, then there would remain, in the terminology of older
philosophy, only receptivity: no thinking would be possible. If there is will only through
consciousness, then consciousness is indeed, correlatively, also only where there is will.
Self-preservation for its part demands, in its history, more than the conditioned reflex and
thereby prepares for what it finally steps beyond. Therein it presumably resembles the
biological individual [Individuum], which stipulates the form of its reflexes; the reflexes
could scarcely be without any moment of unity. It reinforces itself as the self of self-
preservation; freedom opens itself to the latter as its historically-become difference from
the reflexes.
Freedom and Organized Society 217-221
Without any thought of freedom, organized society could scarcely be theoretically
grounded. It would then once again cut short freedom. Both can be demonstrated in the
Hobbesian construction of the state-contract. A factical, thorough-going determinism
would sanction, in opposition to the determinist Hobbes, the bellum omnium contra
omnes [Latin: war of all against all]; every criterion of treatment would fall asunder, if
everyone were equally predetermined and blind. The perspective of something at an
extremity is outlined; as to whether, in the demand for freedom for the sake of the
possibility of living together, a paralogism lies hidden: freedom must be real, so that there
would not be horror. But rather there is horror, because there is not yet any freedom. The
reflection on the question concerning will and freedom does not abolish the question, but
turns it into one from the philosophy of history: why did the theses, �The will is free�,
and, �The will is unfree�, become an antinomy? Kant did not overlook the fact that this
reflection originated historically, and expressly founded the revolutionary claim of his
own moral philosophy on its delay: �One saw human beings bound to laws by their duty,
it did not however occur to anyone, that they would be subject only to their own and
nevertheless universal legislation, and that they would only be bound to act according to
their own yet generally legislated will, according to the purpose of nature.�2 By no means
however did it occur to him, as to whether freedom itself, to him an eternal idea, could be
a historical essence; not merely as a concept but rather according to its experience-
content. Entire epochs, entire societies lacked the concept of freedom as much as the
thing. To ascribe this to them as an objective in-itself even where it was thoroughly
concealed from human beings, would conflict with the Kantian principle of the
transcendental, which is supposed to be founded in the subjective consciousness, and
would be untenable to the degree that the presumed consciousness totally lacked any sort
of living being at all. Hence no doubt Kant�s tenacious effort to demonstrate the moral
consciousness as something ubiquitous, existent even in what is radically evil. Otherwise
he would have had to reject, in the appropriate phases and societies in which there is no
freedom, along with the character of rationally-endowed beings also that of humanity; the
follower of Rousseau could scarcely have found comfort in that. Before that which is
individuated in the modern sense formed, something self-evident for Kant, which is not
meant simply as the biological individual being but as what is first constituted as a unity
by the self-reflection,3 the Hegelian �self-consciousness�, it is anachronistic to speak of
freedom, of the real kind as much as the demand for such. Freedom, to be established in
its full dimensions solely under social conditions of an unfettered plenitude of goods,
could on the other hand also be totally extinguished, perhaps without a trace. The trouble
is not that free human beings act radically evil, as is being done far beyond any measure
imaginable to Kant, but that there is not yet a world in which they, and this flashes in
Brecht, would no longer need to be evil. Evil would be therefore their own unfreedom:
what happens which is evil, would come from the latter. Society determines individuals,
even according to their immanent genesis, as what they are; their freedom or unfreedom
is not what is primary, as this appears under the veil of the principium individuationis
[Latin: individuating principle]. For even the insight into its dependence is obscured to
subjective consciousness by the ego, as Schopenhauer explained by the mythos of the veil
of Maya. The individuation-principle, the law of particularization to which the
universality of reason in individuals is tied, insulates this tendentially from the contexts
which surround it and promotes thereby the flattering confidence in the autarky of the
subject. Its epitome is contrasted under the name of the freedom to the totality which
restricts individuality. The principium individuationis is however by no means that which
is metaphysically ultimate and unalterable, and therefore also not freedom; this is rather a
moment in a double sense: not isolatable but imbricated, and for the time being always
only a moment of spontaneity, a historical intersection blocked under contemporary
conditions. As little as the independence of the individuated, inappropriately emphasized
by liberal ideology, prevails, so little is its utterly real separation from society to be
denied, which that ideology wrongly interprets. At times the individuated has opposed
society as something self-realized although particular, which could pursue its own
interests through reason. In that phase, and beyond it, the question of freedom was
genuine, as to whether society permits the individuated to be as free, as the former
promises the latter; thereby also, as to whether the former is itself so. The individuated
temporarily towers above the blind context of society, helping however in its windowless
isolation just that context to reproduce itself. � The thesis of the unfreedom of historical
experience registers no less the irreconcilability of inner and outer: human beings are
unfree in their bondage to what is external, and that which is external to them is in turn
also themselves. only in what is separated from this and necessarily against it, according
to the cognition of Hegel�s Phenomenology, does the subject acquire the concepts of
freedom and unfreedom, which it can then relate back to its own monadological structure.
The pre-philosophical consciousness is on this side of the alternative; to the na�vely
acting subject, which posits itself against the immediate environment, its own
conditionality is impenetrable. To master it, consciousness must make it transparent. The
sovereignty of thought, which by virtue of its freedom turns back to itself as to its subject,
realizes also the concept of unfreedom. Both are no simple opposition but in each other.
The consciousness does not become aware of this out of the theoretical urge towards
knowledge. The sovereignty which exploits nature and its social form, domination over
human beings, suggests its opposite, the idea of freedom. Those who were at the top of
hierarchies, but not visibly dependent, were its historical archetype. Freedom becomes, in
the abstract general concept of something beyond nature, intellectualized into freedom
from the realm of causality. Thereby however into self-deception. Put psychologically,
the interest of the subject in the thesis, that it would be free, is narcissistic, as boundless
as anything which is narcissistic. Even in Kant�s argumentation, despite his localization
of the sphere of freedom categorically above psychology, narcissism shows through.
Every human being, even the �most malign ruffian�, would wish, according to the
Foundation for a Metaphysic of Morals, that �when one set forth examples of honesty in
intent, of steadfastness in following good maxims, of compassion and of general good
will�, even he would like to be so minded. From this he could expect no �gratification of
the desires�, �no condition in which any other of his real or otherwise imaginable
inclinations would be satisfied�, �but only a greater inner worth of his person� He
believes himself to be this better person however, when he puts himself in the standpoint
of a member of the world of understanding, to which the idea of freedom, that is to say
independence from the determining causes of the sensible world, involuntarily compels
him��4 Kant spares no effort to justify that expectation of a greater inner worth of the
person, which would motivate the thesis of freedom, with that objectivity of the law of
morality to which, for its part, consciousness would first need to rise on the grounds of
that expectation. Nevertheless he cannot make us forget that the �practical usage of
common human reason�5 in view of freedom is coupled with the need for self-exaltation,
with the �worth� of the person. Meanwhile that immediate consciousness experiences the
�common moral cognition of reason�, from which the Kantian Foundation methodically
starts out, no less than the interest to deny the self-same freedom which it proclaims. The
more freedom the subject, and the community of subjects, ascribes to itself, the greater its
responsibility, and before the latter it fails in a bourgeois life, whose praxis has never
vouchsafed the undiminished autonomy to subjects which it was accorded in theory. That
is why it must feel guilty. Subjects become aware of the limits of their freedom as their
own membership in nature, ultimately as their powerlessness in view of the society
become autonomous before them. The universality of the concept of freedom, however,
in which the oppressed also participate, recoils against domination as a model of
freedom. In reaction to this, those who are privileged with freedom delight in discerning
that others would not yet be mature enough for freedom. They rationalize this,
revealingly enough, as natural causality. Subjects are not only fused with their own
corporeality, but even in that which is psychological, painstakingly separated from the
immediate world of the bodily by reflection, a thorough-going nomothetism prevails. The
consciousness of this rose in proportion to the determination of the soul as something
unitary. So little meanwhile does an immediately evident self-consciousness of freedom
exist, as one of unfreedom; it always requires either the mirror-reflection of what is
perceived in society upon the subject � the oldest is the so-called Platonic psychology �
or one which is concretized by psychological science, in whose hands the life of the soul
it discovered becomes a thing among things and ends up under the causality predicated
by the world of things.
The Pre-egoized Impulse 221-222
The dawning consciousness of freedom nourishes itself on the memory of the archaic
impulse, not yet directed by a solidified ego. The more the ego curbs this, the more
questionable pre-temporal freedom becomes to it as something chaotic. Without the
anamnesis of the unbridled, pre-egoized impulse, which is later banished into the zone of
unfree bondage to nature, the idea of freedom could not be created, even though it
terminates for its part in the strengthening of the ego. In the philosophical concept, which
raises freedom as a mode of conduct as the highest beyond empirical existence, namely
that of spontaneity, the echo reverberates of that by which the ego of idealistic
philosophy intends to secure its freedom, by controlling it all the way to its annihilation.
Through the apology for its inverted form, society encourages individuals to hypostasize
their own individuality and thereby their freedom. Insofar as such tenacious appearance
[Schein] reaches, the consciousness is taught the moment of its unfreedom solely in
pathogenic conditions, as in compulsory neuroses. They command it, in the midst of the
circumference of its own immanence, to act according to laws which it experiences as
�ego-alien�; the rejection of freedom in its own domestic realm. The pain of neurosis also
has the metapsychological aspect, in that it destroys the simplistic notion: free inside,
unfree outside, without the subject coming to realize the truth which its pathic condition
communicates, and which it can reconcile neither with its drive nor with its rational
interest. This truth-content of neuroses is, that they demonstrate the unfreedom of the ego
in itself in what is ego-alien, the feeling of �But that�s not me at all�; there, where its
domination over inner nature fails. Whatever falls under the unity of what traditional
epistemology termed personal self-consciousness � itself compulsory essence, insofar as
all moments of this unity are stamped with nomothetism � appears to be free to the self-
retrieving ego, because it derives the idea of the freedom from the model of its own
domination, first the one over human beings and things, then, innervated, the one over its
own entire concrete content, over which it disposes by thinking it. This is not only the
self-deception of the immediacy, which is inflated into the absolute. Solely where
someone acts as an ego, not merely reactively, can their action in any sense be called
free. Nevertheless that which is not bound to the ego as the principle of every
determination would be equally free, as that which appears to be unfree to the ego, as in
Kant�s moral philosophy, and which in fact has been equally unfree to this day. Freedom
as a given fact becomes problematic through the progress of self-experience and, because
the interest of the subject in it nevertheless does not wane, is sublimated into an idea.
This is metapsychologically verified by the psychoanalytic theory of repression
[Verdraengung: displacement]. According to this the repressing authority, the mechanism
of compulsion, is, dialectically enough, one with the ego, the organon of freedom.
Introspection discovers neither freedom nor unfreedom in itself as something positive. It
conceives of both in the relation to something extra-mental: freedom as the polemical
counter-image to the suffering under social compulsion, unfreedom as its mirror-image.
That is how little the subject is the �sphere of absolute origins�, which it is philosophized
as; even the determinations, by virtue of which it lays claim to its sovereignty, always
also need that which, according to their self-understanding, are supposed to need only
them. What is decisive in the ego, its independence and autonomy, can only be judged in
relationship to its otherness, to the not-ego. Whether or not autonomy exists, depends on
its adversary and contradiction, the object, which grants or denies the subject autonomy;
dissolved from this, autonomy is fictive.
Experimenta Crucis [Latin: decisive experiment] 222-226
How little the consciousness can discern of freedom by means of the recourse to its self-
experience, is attested to by the experimenta crucis of introspection. It is not for nothing
that the most popular one is saddled onto a donkey. Kant still follows its schema in the
attempt to demonstrate freedom by the decision, something relevant to Beckett�s plays, to
stand up from a chair. In order to decide conclusively, empirically so to speak, as to
whether the will would be free, situations must be rigorously cleansed of their empirical
content; thought-experimental conditions established, in which as few determinants as
possible can be observed. Every less clownish paradigm contains rational grounds for the
self-deciding subject, which would have to be chalked up as determinants; the
experimenta is damned by the principle, according to which it is supposed to decide, to
silliness, and this devalues the decision. Pure situations in the style of Buridan are not
likely to occur, except where they are thought out or established for the sake of
demonstrating freedom. Even if something remotely similar to this could be discovered, it
would be irrelevant to any person�s life and hence adiaphorou [Greek: indifferent] for
freedom. Indeed many of Kant�s experimenta crucis have greater pretensions. He draws
them up as empirical evidence of the right �to introduce freedom into science�, since �the
experience too confirms this order of concepts in us�;6 whereas empirical evidence for
something which is according to his own theory simply supra-empirical ought to make
him suspicious, because the critical matter-at-hand is thereby localized in that sphere,
from which it has been principally removed. The example is then also not stringent:
�Supposing, that someone is given over to carnal desire, such that it would be completely
irresistible for him, if the beloved object and the opportunity thereto presented
themselves; ask whether if a gallows before the house, where he took this opportunity,
were constructed in order to hang him immediately after the carnal pleasure, whether he
then would not repress his desire. It would not take long to guess what he would answer.
If he was asked however, whether his prince under the threats of the same immediate
punishment of death required him to bear false witness against an honest man, which the
former is bent on ruining under a mere pretext, whether there, however great his love of
life may be, he could consider it possible to overcome this latter. He will perhaps not trust
himself to say whether he would do it or not; that it would be possible, however, he
would admit without hesitation. He judges therefore, that he can do something, because
he is conscious of it, that he ought to do it, and cognizes in himself the freedom, which
without the moral law would otherwise have remained unknown to him.�7 That he could
do it, might presumably be conceded by the person charged by Kant with �carnal desire�
as much as the victim of extortion by the tyrant, who Kant respectfully names his prince;
it would probably be the truth if both said, in the consciousness of the weight of self-
preservation in these sorts of decisions, that they did not know how they would behave in
the real situation. In the emergency situation, a psychological moment like the �ego-
drive� and the fear of death would appear irrefutably differently than in the improbable
thought-experiment, which neutralizes that moment to the cogitative affectless
conception. Noone can predict, not even those with the most integrity, how they would
act under torture; this in the meantime by no means fictive situation denotes a limit upon
what is self-evident to Kant. His example does not permit, as he hoped, the legitimation
of the concept of freedom according to its practical use, but at most a shrugging of the
shoulders. Not even that of the card-cheat serves anymore: �He who has lost at cards, can
be angry at himself and his lack of cleverness, but if he is consciousness of having
cheated in the game (although thereby winning), then he must despise himself, as soon as
he compares himself with the moral law. This must therefore be something other, than the
principle of one�s own happiness. For to be obliged to say to myself: I am a good-for-
nothing, though I have lined my pockets, must have a different standard of judgement,
than giving oneself applause and saying: I am a clever human being, for I have enriched
myself.�8 Whether card-cheats despise themselves or not, even assuming they would
reflect on the moral law, is a crassly empirical question. They may feel themselves, in an
infantile fashion, to be exempt from every bourgeois obligation; even laughing up their
sleeves at the successful stunt, their narcissism shielding them against the presumed self-
loathing; and they may simply be following an ethical code approved among their own
kind. The pathos, with which they are supposed to abuse themselves as unworthy, is
based on the recognition of the Kantian moral law, which this latter wishes to ground
with the example. In the group of all those covered for example by the concept of �moral
insanity� [in English], it is suspended, yet they by no means lack reason; only
metaphorically could they be classified as insane. What in propositions over the mundus
intelligibilis [Latin: intelligible world] seeks consolation in the empirical one, must itself
accord with empirical criteria, and this speaks against the consolation, in keeping with
that aversion of speculative thought against the so-called example as something inferior,
for which there is no lack of testimony in Kant: �This is also the sole and great use of
examples, that they sharpen the power of judgement. For in regards to the correctness and
precision of the insight of understanding, they commonly cause the latter some
obstruction, because they only seldom adequately fulfill the condition of the rule (as
casus in terminis [Latin: case in the end]) and moreover often weaken the corresponding
effort of understanding, to look into the adequacy of the rules in general and
independently of the particular circumstances of experience, and ultimately cultivate the
habit of using these more as formulations than as foundations. Thus examples are the
leading-strings of the power of judgement, which those, who lack the natural talent for
the same, can never dispense with.�9 Given that Kant did not, contrary to his own insight,
disdain to use examples in the Critique of Practical Reason, one suspects that he needed
them because the relation between the formal moral law and existence, and thereby the
possibility of the imperative, could not have been achieved except by empirical
subreption; his philosophy thereby revenges itself on him, in that the examples dissolve
like smoke. The absurdity of moral experiments might have as their core, the fact that
they couple what is incompatible; they claim to calculate out, what for its part explodes
the realm of the calculable.*1*
The Supplementary [Hinzutretende] 226-230
Despite all this, they demonstrate a moment which, corresponding to its vague
experience, may be termed the supplementary [Hinzutretende]. The decisions of the
subject do not roll off as in a causal chain, but occur as a jolt. This supplementary, the
factical, which realizes itself [sich entaeussert] in consciousness, is interpreted again by
the philosophical tradition only as consciousness. It is supposed to intervene, as if the
intervention were somehow conceivable by the pure Spirit. What is construed for the sake
of the QED [quod erat demonstrandum: what is to be shown]: that solely the reflection of
the subject would be able, if not to break through natural causality, then at least to add in
other chains of motivations, to change its direction. The self-experience of the moment of
freedom is bound up with consciousness; the subject knows itself to be free, only insofar
as its action appears to be identical with it, and that is the case solely in conscious ones.
In these alone subjectivity raises, laboriously and ephemerally, its head. But the
insistence on this narrowed itself rationalistically. To this extent Kant was, in keeping
with his conception of practical reason as that which is truly �pure�, namely sovereign in
relation to every material, closely attached to the school which the critique of theoretical
reason demolished. Consciousness, the rational insight, is not simply the same as the free
act, is not to be flatly equated to the will. Exactly that occurs in Kant. The will is to him
the epitome of freedom, the �capacity�, to act freely, the characteristic unity of all the
acts, which can be conceived of as free. Of the categories which �in the field of the supra-
sensory� stand in �necessary connection� with the �determining grounds of the pure
will�, he teaches �that they always refer only to beings which are intelligent, and in these
also only as the relationship of reason to the will, and therefore always only to what is
practiced.�10 Reason would obtain reality through the will, untrammeled by any sort of
material. The formulations scattered in Kant�s moral-philosophical texts ought to
converge therein. In the Foundation for a Metaphysic of Morals the will is �thought of as
a capacity, to determine oneself to act according to the conception of certain laws.�11*2*
According to a later passage of the same text, the will would be �a kind of causality of
living beings, insofar as they are rational, and freedom would be the selfsame
characteristic of this causality, since it can have an affect independent from alien
fundamental causes which determine it.�12 The oxymoron �causality through freedom�,
appearing in the thesis of the Third Antinomy and explicated in the Foundation, becomes
plausible solely due to the abstraction, which allows the will to be exhausted in reason. In
fact freedom becomes for Kant a characteristic of the causality of living subjects, because
it would be beyond the alien fundamental causes which determine them and would shrink
into that necessity which coincides with reason. Even the treatment of the will as the
�capacity of purposes�13 in the Critique of Practical Reason expounds this, in spite of its
orientation to the objective concept of the purpose, as theoretical reason, since the
purposes �are at every time the determining grounds for the capacity of desire according
to principles�;14 however, solely the laws of reason are to be conceived under principles,
which are tacitly ascribed the capability of directing the capacity to desire, which for its
part belongs to the world of the senses. As pure logos [Greek: logic] the will becomes a
no-man�s land between the subject and the object, antinomical in a manner which was not
envisioned by the critique of reason. � At the beginning of the self-reflection of the
modern, self-emancipating subject, however, in Hamlet, the divergence between the
insight and the act is paradigmatically displayed. The more the subject becomes an
existent for itself and distances itself from an unbroken accord with pre-established order,
the less are the deed and consciousness as one. The supplementary is possessed of an
aspect which is irrational according to rationalistic ground-rules. It denies the Cartesian
dualism of res extensa [Latin: extended substance] and res cogitans [Latin: thinking
substance], in which the supplementary, as something mental, is lumped together with the
res cogitans [Latin: thinking substance], without consideration of its difference from the
thought. The supplementary is an impulse, the rudiment of a phase, in which the dualism
of the extra- and intramental was not thoroughly nailed down, neither to be bridged as
volition nor an ontological ultimate. The concept of the will is also touched by this,
which has the so-called facts of consciousness as its content, which are simultaneously
purely descriptive, and not only such; this lies hidden in the transition of the will into
praxis. The impulse, intramental and somatic in one, drives beyond the sphere of
consciousness, which it nevertheless belongs to. With it, freedom reaches deep into
experience; this animates its concept as one of a condition, which would be so little blind
nature as suppressed nature. Its phantasm, which reason does not allow to be withered by
any proof of causal interdependence, is that of a reconciliation of Spirit and nature. It is
not so alien to reason as it seems under the aspect of its Kantian equation with the will; it
does not fall from the heavens. It appears as something simply and purely other to the
philosophical reflection, because the will, reduced to the pure practical reason, is an
abstraction. The supplementary is the name for what was stamped out of that abstraction;
without it the will would not be real at all. It flashes like a bolt of lightning between the
poles of something long past, which has become almost unrecognizable, and that which it
one day could be. True praxis, the epitome of acts which would satisfy the idea of
freedom, requires indeed full theoretical consciousness. The decisionism which cancels
out reason in the transition to the action delivers this over to the automatism of
domination: the unreflective freedom, which it adjusts to, becomes the servant of total
unfreedom. Hitler�s realm, which united decisionism and social Darwinism, the
affirmative extension of natural causality, taught this lesson. But praxis also requires
something other, something not exhausted in consciousness, something corporeal,
mediated into reason and qualitatively divergent from it. Both moments are by no means
experienced separately; yet the philosophical analysis has clipped the phenomenon in
such a manner that it can not otherwise be expressed in the language of philosophy, than
as if something other were being added to rationality. By allowing only reason to be a
movens [Latin: what moves] of praxis, Kant remained in the bane of that faded theoretics,
against which he invented the primacy of practical reason as complementary. His entire
moral philosophy labors under this. What is different in the action from the pure
consciousness, which to Kant compels the former: that which abruptly springs out, is the
spontaneity, which Kant likewise transplanted into the pure consciousness, because
otherwise the constitutive function of the �I think� would have been endangered. The
memory of what has been expelled lives on in him only in the double interpretation of the
intramentally interpreted spontaneity. It is on the one hand an achievement of the
consciousness: thinking; on the other hand, unconscious and involuntary, the heartbeat of
the res cogitans [Latin: thinking substance] beyond this latter. Pure consciousness �
�logic� � is itself something which has become and something valid, in which its genesis
perished. It has this latter in the moment glossed over by the Kantian doctrine, of the
negation of the will, which according to Kant would be pure consciousness. Logic is a
praxis sealed off from itself. Contemplative conduct, the subjective correlate of logic, is
the conduct which wants nothing. Conversely every act of will breaks through the
autarkic mechanism of logic; this jolts theory and praxis into opposition. Kant turns the
matter-at-hand upside down. However more sublimated the supplementary may
constantly become with increasing consciousness, indeed however the concept of the will
may form thereby as something substantial and uniform � if the motor reaction-form
were totally liquidated, if the hand no longer twitched, then there would be no will. What
the great rationalistic philosophers conceived under this latter, already repudiates it,
without giving an account of it, and the Schopenhauer of the fourth book was not wrong
in feeling himself to be a Kantian. That without the will there is no consciousness, was
blurred by the idealists into point-blank identity: as if the will were nothing other than
consciousness. In the most profound concept of transcendental epistemology, that of the
productive power of imagination, the trace of the will migrates into the pure intellective
function. once this has occurred, then spontaneity is curiously glossed over in the will. It
is not merely reason which has genetically developed itself out of drive-energy as its
differentiation: without that willing, which manifests itself in the caprice of every such
act of thinking and alone furnishes the ground for its distinction from the passive,
�receptive� moment of the subject, there would be no thinking in the proper sense.
Idealism however swore an oath to the opposite and may not permit this to speak, at the
price of its annihilation; this explains the inversion of as well as its proximity to the true
matter-at-hand.
Fiction of Positive Freedom 230-231
Freedom is solely to be grasped in determinate negation, in accordance with the concrete
form of unfreedom. Positively it becomes an �as if�. Literally so in the Foundation for a
Metaphysic of Morals: �I say now: every such being, which can not act otherwise than
under the idea of freedom, is precisely thereby really free in the practical consideration,
i.e. that all laws, which are inseparably bound to freedom, are applicable as much to the
selfsame being, as if its will also in itself and in theoretical philosophy were validly
declared free.�15 What is aporetic in this fiction, which perhaps precisely because of its
weakness lends so much subjective stress to the �I say now�, is illuminated by a footnote,
in which Kant apologizes, �freedom is sufficiently presumed by our intent only in that the
actions of rational beings are founded merely in the idea�, �so that I may not be obliged,
to prove freedom also in its theoretical intent�16. He has however the being in view,
which cannot act otherwise than under that idea, therefore real human beings; and these,
following the Critique of Pure Reason, are meant by that �theoretical intent� which
records causality in its table of categories. To ascribe freedom to empirical human beings,
as if their will could also be demonstrated as free in theoretical philosophy, in that of
nature, requires an immense effort on Kant�s part; for if the moral law were simply
incommensurable with them, then moral philosophy would be meaningless. It would be
only too happy to shake off the fact that the Third Antinomy punished both possible
answers in equal measure as border-violations, ending in a deadlock. While in the
practical philosophy Kant rigorously proclaims the chorismos of the existent and that
which ought to be, he is nevertheless driven to mediations. His idea of freedom becomes
paradoxical: incorporated into the causality of the world of appearance, which is
incompatible with its Kantian concept. With the magnificent innocence, which raises
even Kant�s errors far above all craftiness, he expresses this in the sentence on the beings,
who could not act otherwise than under the idea of freedom, whose subjective
consciousness would be chained to this idea. Their freedom has as its basis their
unfreedom, on not being able to do otherwise, and at the same time on an empirical
consciousness, which could deceive itself about its freedom just as much as about
countless other details of its own psychological life out of amour propre [French:
narcissism]; the being of freedom would be delivered over to the contingency of spatio-
temporal existence. If freedom is posited as positive, as something given or unavoidable
in the midst of what is given, then it immediately turns into unfreedom. But the paradox
of Kant�s doctrine of freedom corresponds strictly to its location in reality. The social
emphasis on freedom as something existent coalesces with undiminished oppression,
psychologically with compulsive traits. They are what the Kantian moral philosophy,
antagonistic in itself, has in common with a criminological praxis in which the dogmatic
doctrine of the free will is coupled with the necessity of harsh punishment, regardless of
empirical conditions. All of the concepts in Kant�s Critique of Practical Reason which, in
honor of freedom, are supposed to fill in the cleft between the imperative and human
beings, are repressive: law, constraint, respect, duty. Causality out of freedom corrupts
the latter into obedience. Kant, like the idealists after him, cannot bear freedom without
compulsion; its undistorted conception already provokes in him that fear of anarchy,
which later recommended the liquidation of its own freedom to the bourgeois
consciousness. This can be recognized in formulations taken at random from the Critique
of Practical Reason, almost more by the tone than by the content: �The consciousness of
a free submission of the will to the law, as nevertheless bound up with an unavoidable
compulsion, which is exerted on all inclinations, but only through its own reason, is thus
the respect for the law.�17 The fearsome majesty of what Kant a prioritized is what the
analysts trace back to psychological conditions. In that deterministic science causally
explains, what debased freedom to the non-deducible compulsion in idealism, it really
contributes to freedom: a piece of its dialectic.
Unfreedom of Thought 231-234
Fully-developed German idealism chimes with one of the songs collected in the same
period by The Boy�s Magic Horn: thoughts are free. Since according to its doctrine
everything which is, is supposed to be thought, that of the absolute, everything, which is,
is supposed to be free. But this wishes only to assuage the consciousness that thoughts are
by no means free. Even before all social controls, before all adjustment to relations of
domination, their pure form, that of logical stringency, would be proof of unfreedom, of
compulsion, in relation to what is thought as much as in relation to those who think, who
exact it from themselves through concentration. What does not fit into the consummation
of the judgement is choked off; thinking practices in advance that violence which
philosophy reflected in the concept of necessity. Through identification, philosophy and
society mediate each other into the former�s innermost core. The nowadays universal
regimentation of scientific thought externalizes this Ur-old relationship in modes of
conduct and organizational forms. Without the moment of compulsion however thinking
could not be at all. The contradiction of freedom and thinking is so little to be removed
by thinking as it is to be removed for thinking, but demands instead its self-reflection.
Speculative philosophers from Leibniz to Schopenhauer were right to concentrate their
efforts on causality. It is the crux of rationalism in that wider sense, which includes
Schopenhauer�s metaphysics, insofar as it knew itself to be on Kantian grounds. The
nomothetism of the pure thought-forms, the causa cognoscendi [Latin: cause of
cognition], is projected on the objects as causa efficiens [Latin: efficient cause]. Causality
presupposes the formal-logical principle, actually the non-contradictoriness, that of naked
identity, as the rule of the material cognition of objects, even though historical
development proceeded in the other direction. Thus the equivocation in the word ratio:
reason and ground. Causality must atone for this: it cannot, in keeping with Hume�s
insight, appeal to any sensory immediate. To this extent, it is severed from idealism as a
dogmatic remainder, while without causality the former could not exert the domination
over the existent, which it strives for. Freed of the compulsion of identity, thinking would
perhaps escape the causality, which that compulsion is modeled after. This last
hypostatizes the form as committal for a content, which does not assume this form by
itself; metacritical reflection would have to absorb empiricism wholesale. In contrast to
this, the entire philosophy of Kant stands under the sign of unity [Einheit]. This lends it,
in spite of the heavy accentuation of the �material�, which does not stem from the pure
form, the character of a system: he expected no less from such a one than his successors.
The prevailing unity however is the concept of reason itself, finally the logical one of
pure non-contradictoriness. The Kantian doctrine of praxis adds nothing to it. The
distinction suggested terminologically between the pure theoretical and the pure practical
ones, just as much as between the formal-logical and the transcendental-logical and
finally that of the doctrine of ideas in the narrow sense, are not differences inside of
reason in itself; but are solely such in view of their usage, which either has nothing at all
to do with objects, or simply refers to the possibility of objects, or, like practical reason,
creates its objects, the free acts, out of itself. Hegel�s doctrine, that logical and
metaphysic would be the same, is inherent to Kant, without it yet becoming thematic. To
the latter the objectivity of reason as such, the epitome of formal-logical validity,
becomes the place of refuge for the ontology which was fatally assailed by critique in all
material realms. This not only establishes the unity of the three Critiques: it is precisely
as this moment of unity that reason achieves that double character, which later helped to
motivate dialectics. To him reason is on the one hand, as distinct from thinking, the pure
form of subjectivity; on the other hand, the summation of objective validity, the
archetype of all objectivity. Its double character permits the turn taken by Kantian
philosophy, as well as the German idealists: to teach the objectivity of the truth and of
every content, which is nominalistically hollowed-out by subjectivity, by virtue of the
same subjectivity, which destroyed it. In reason, both would be already as one; wherein
indeed whatever is meant by objectivity, which opposes the subject, perishes through the
abstraction in this latter, however much this dismayed Kant. The structural double-
jointedness of the concept of reason is shared however by that of the will. While in the
name of spontaneity, of that which is at no price to be concretized in the subject, it is
supposed to be nothing other than a subject, it becomes, solidified and identical like
reason, concretized into a hypothetical, yet factical capacity in the midst of the factical-
empirical world, and thus commensurable with this latter. It is only due to its a priori
ontic nature, which is something available like a characteristic, that the judgement can be
made, without absurdity, that it would create its objects, the actions. It belongs to the
world, in which it has its effect. That this can be confirmed to it, is the fee for the
installation of the pure reason as an indifferent concept. The will, from which all
impulses which refuse their concretization are banished as heteronomous, has to pay for
this.
�Formalism� 234-236
The system-immanent objection raised against Kant, that the subdivision of reason
according to its objects would make it dependent, against the doctrine of autonomy, on
what it is not supposed to be, on the extra-rational, ought not to weigh too heavily. What
breaks through in that discrepancy, despite his intent, is what Kant shoos away, the
innervated referentiality of reason to what is non-identical to it. only Kant does not go
that far: the doctrine of the unity of reason in all of its presumed districts of application
presupposes a firm separation between reason and its �what about�. Because however it
necessarily refers to such a �what about�, in order to be any sort of reason, it is also
determined, against his theory, in itself by this. The constitution of objects enters for
example into judgements about what is to be practically done qualitatively differently
than in the Kantian theoretical founding propositions. Reason distinguishes itself
according to its objects, it may not be superficially stamped, with varying degrees of
validity, as always the same in various object-realms. This also informs the doctrine of
the will. It is not ch�ris [Greek: separately] from its material, society. If it were, then the
categorical imperative would violate itself; as nothing other than its material, other
human beings would be used by the autonomous subject only as means, not as ends. That
is the absurdity of the monadological construction of morality. Moral conduct, evidently
more concrete than the merely theoretical kind, becomes more formal than this latter as a
consequence of the doctrine, that practical reason would be independent from everything
which is �alien� to it, from every object. To be sure the formalism of Kantian ethics is not
merely damnable, as reactionary German scholastic philosophy since Scheler has branded
it. While it provides no readily positive casuistic of what is to be done, it humanely
prevents the misuse of qualitative-substantive differences for the benefit of privilege and
ideology. It stipulates the general juridical norm; to this extent something of substance
lives on in, it spite of and because of its abstraction, the idea of equality. The German
critique, to which Kantian formalism was too rationalistic, has made its bloody colors
known in Fascist praxis, which made who was to be killed dependent on blind
appearance [Schein], on membership or non-membership in a designated race. The
illusory character [Scheincharakter] of such concreity: that in the complete abstraction
human beings are subsumed under arbitrary concepts and are treated accordingly, does
not wipe away the stigma which has soiled the word concrete ever since. Therein
however the critique of abstract morality is not abrogated. It suffices so little, in view of
the continuing irreconcilability of the particular and universal, as the allegedly material
value ethics of short-term eternal norms. Raised to a principle, the appeal to one so much
as the other does an injustice to the opposite. The depracticalization of Kant�s practical
reason, that is to say its rationalism, and its deobjectification are coupled; only as
deobjectified does it become that which is absolutely sovereign, which is supposed to be
able to have its effect in empiricism regardless of this latter, and regardless of the leap
between the acting and the doing. The doctrine of pure practical reason prepares the re-
translation of spontaneity into contemplation, which really occurred in the later history of
the bourgeoisie and which culminated in political apathy, something utterly political. Its
consummated subjectification produces the appearance [Schein] of the objectivity of
practical reason, as existent-in-itself; it is no longer clear how it is supposed to reach,
beyond the ontological abyss, into any sort of existent. This is also the root of what is
irrational in the Kantian moral law, for which he chose the expression, the given fact
[Gegebenheit], which denies all rational transparency: it commands the course of
reflection to halt. Because freedom to him amounts to the invariant self-sameness of
reason even in the practical realm, it forfeits what the linguistic usage distinguishes
between reason and the will. By virtue of its total rationality the will becomes irrational.
The Critique of Practical Reason moves in the context of delusion. It has the Spirit serve
as surrogate of the action, which is not supposed to be anything other than the sheer Spirit
there. This sabotages freedom: its Kantian bearer, reason, coincides with the pure law.
Freedom would require what is heteronomous to Kant. Freedom would be so little,
without something accidental according to the criterion of pure reason, as without the
rational judgement. The absolute separation between freedom and accident [Zufall:
chance, contingency] is as arbitrary as the absolute one between freedom and rationality.
According to an undialectical standard of lawfulness, it always appears to freedom as
something contingent; it demands reflection, which rises above the particular categories
of law and accident.
The Will as Thing 236-237
The modern concept of reason was one of indifference. In it, the subjective thinking
reduced to the pure form � and thereby potentially objectivated, detached from the ego �
is balanced out with the validity of logical forms, removed from their constitution, which
nevertheless could not in turn be conceived without subjective thinking. In Kant the
expressions of the will, the actions, participate in such objectivity; they are thus called
objects.*3* Their objectivity, copied from the model of reason, pays no attention to the
differentia specifica of action and object. The will, the master-concept or moment of
unity of the acts, is analogously concretized. What it thereby experiences theoretically,
does not meanwhile in all flagrant contradiction completely lack truth-content. In view of
the individual impulse the will is in fact independent, quasi thingly, to the extent that the
principle of unity of the ego achieves a degree of independence in relation to its
phenomena as what is �its�. one can talk of an independent and to this extent even
objective will so much as of a strong ego or, in archaic terminology, of character; even
outside of Kant�s construction, it is that middle ground between nature and the mundus
intelligibilis, which Benjamin contrasted to fate.18 The concretization of individual
impulses in the will which synthesizes and determines them, is their sublimation, the
successful, displaced redirection, involved as duration, of the primary drive-goal. It is
faithfully circumscribed in Kant by the rationality of the will. Through it the will
becomes something other than its �material�, the diffuse excitations. To emphasize the
will of a human being, means the moment of unity of their actions, and that is their
subordination under reason. In the Italian title of Don Giovanni the libertine is named �il
dissoluto�, the dissolute one; language opts for morality as the unity of the person
according to the abstract rational law. Kant�s doctrine of ethics ascribes to the totality of
the subject the predominance over the moments, in which they alone have their life and
which yet outside of such totality would not be the will. The discovery was progressive: it
prevented casuistic judgements from being made any longer over the particular impulses;
it also inwardly prepared the end of the righteousness over texts. This contributed to
freedom. The subject becomes moral for itself, cannot be weighed according to internal
and external particulars, which are alien to it. By establishing the rational unity of the will
as the sole moral authority, it is sheltered from the violence done to it by a hierarchical
society, which � as even in Dante � judges its acts, without their law being accepted by
its own consciousness. The individual actions become venial; no isolated one is
absolutely good or evil, their criterion is �good will�, their principle of unity. The
internalization of society as a whole steps into the place of the reflexes of a feudal order,
whose apparatus, the tighter it becomes, fragments the generality of human beings all the
more. The relegation of morality to the sober unity of reason was Kant�s bourgeois
sublime, despite the false consciousness in the concretization of the will.
Objectivity of the Antinomy 238-239
The assertion of freedom as much as unfreedom terminates according to Kant in
contradictions. That is why the controversy is supposed to be fruitless. Under the
hypostasis of scientific-methodical criteria it is expounded as self-evident, that theorems,
which cannot be safeguarded from the possibility of their contradictory opposite, are to
be discarded by rational thinking. Since Hegel this is no longer tenable. Rather than
blaming the procedure in advance, the contradiction may be one in the thing itself. The
urgency of the interest in freedom suggests such objective contradictoriness. In that Kant
demonstrated the necessity of the antinomies, he also disdained the excuse of the false
problem, overhastily bowing however to the logic of contradictoriness.*4* The
transcendental dialectic does not entirely lack the consciousness of this. To be sure the
Kantian dialectic is expounded according to the Aristotelian model as one of trick
statements [Fangschluessen]. But each time it develops thesis like antithesis non-
contradictorily in itself. To that extent it by no means comfortably disposes of the
antithesis, but wishes to demonstrate its inevitability. It would �be dissolved� only
through a reflection on a higher level, as the hypostasis of logical reason in relation to
that which, whose being-in-itself it knows nothing of, and over which it is therefore not
entitled to positively judge. That the contradiction would be inescapable to reason,
indicates it as something beyond that and its �logic�. In terms of content, this allows for
the possibility that the bearer of reason, the subject, would be both free and unfree. Kant
settles the contradiction with the means of undialectical logic, by the distinction between
the pure and empirical subject, which ignores the mediatedness of both concepts. The
subject is supposed to be unfree to the extent that it, too, is its own object, submitting to
the lawful synthesis through categories. In order to be able to act in the empirical world,
the subject cannot in fact be conceived as other than the �phenomenon�. Kant by no
means always denies this. The speculative critique grants, teaches the work on practical
reason in unison with that on the pure one, that �the objects of experience as such and
among these our own subject are valid only as appearance�.19 The synthesis, the
mediation, cannot be subtracted from anything which can be positively judged. The
moment of unity of thought, it grasps everything thought under itself and determines it as
necessary. This would catch up even to the talk of the strong ego as firm identity, as the
condition of freedom. It would have no power over the chorismos. The concretization of
character would in Kantian terms be localizable only in the realm of the constitutum
[Latin: what is constituted], not in that of the constituens [Latin: what constitutes].
Otherwise Kant would commit the same paralogism, for which he convicts the
rationalists. The subject would however be free, in that it posits, �constitutes� in the
Kantian sense, its own identity, the ground of its lawfulness. That the constituens is
supposed to be the transcendental subject, the constitutum the empirical one, does not
remove the contradiction, for there is no transcendental one which is not individuated in
the unity of consciousness, hence as a moment of the empirical one. It requires what is
irreducibly non-identical, which simultaneously delimits lawfulness. Without it, identity
would be so little as an immanent law of subjectivity. only for the non-identical is it one;
otherwise, a tautology. The identifying principle of the subject is itself the internalized
one of society. That is why in the realm of socially existent subjects unfreedom is
preponderant over freedom to this day. Inside of the reality, which is modeled after the
identity-principle, no freedom is positively available. Where, under the universal bane,
human beings seem to be relieved of the identity-principle and thereby of comprehensible
determinants, they are for the time being not more than but less than determined: as
schizophrenia, subjective freedom is something destructive, which only incorporates
human beings under the bane of nature that much more.
Dialectical Determination of the Will 240-241
The will without the bodily impulse, which lives on weakly in the imagination, would be
none at all; at the same time however it arranges itself as a centralizing unity of the
impulses, as the authority which restrains and potentially negates them. This necessitates
its dialectical determination. It is the power of consciousness, by which it leaves its own
magic circle and thereby transforms what merely is; its recoil is resistance. No doubt the
memory of this always accompanied the transcendental rational doctrine of morals; as in
the Kantian avowal of the given fact [Gegebenheit] of the moral law independent of
philosophical consciousness. His thesis is heteronomous and authoritarian, but has its
moment of truth in that it limits the pure rational character of the moral law. If one took
the one reason strictly, it could be no other than the unabbreviated, philosophical one.
The motif culminates in the Fichtean formulation of the self-evidence of what is moral.
As the bad conscience of the rationality of the will, however, its irrationality becomes
crumpled up and false. If it is once supposed as self-evident, exempt from rational
reflection, then what is self-evident affords shelter to the unexamined residue and to
repression. Self-evidence is the hallmark of what is civilized: good is what is one,
immutable, identical. What does not fit into this, the whole legacy of the pre-logical
natural moment, turns immediately into evil, as abstract as the principle of its opposite.
Bourgeois evil is the post-existence of that which is older, subjugated, not entirely
subjugated. It is however not unconditionally evil, any more than its violent counterpart.
Solely the consciousness, which reflects the moments as far and as consistently as they
are accessible to it, can render judgements each time over this. Actually there is no other
authority for correct praxis and for the good itself than the most advanced state of theory.
An idea of the good, which is supposed to direct the will, without it being completely
absorbed into the concrete rational determinations, unwittingly obeys the reified
consciousness and what is socially approved. The will which is torn from reason and
declared its own purpose, whose triumph the National Socialists [Nazis] themselves
documented at each one of their party meetings, stands like all ideals which protest
against reason ready for any atrocity. The self-evidence of good will grows obdurate in
the mirage, the historical sediment of power, which the will should resist. In contrast to
its pharisaism, the irrational moment of the will principally condemns everything moral
to fallibility. Moral certainty does not exist; to posit it would already be immoral, the
false exoneration of what is individuated from anything which might be called morality.
The more pitilessly society gathers itself up objectively-antagonistically into every
situation, the less is any sort of moral individual decision accorded the right to be the
correct one. Whatever the individual or the group undertakes against the totality, which
they form a part of, is infected by that evil, and no less are those who do nothing at all.
That is what original sin has been secularized into. The individual subject, which
imagines itself to be morally certain, fails and becomes culpable, because harnessed to
the social order, is hardly able to do anything about the conditions, which appeal to moral
ingenium [Latin: natural ability, talent]: crying out for its transformation. For such a
decay, not of morality, but of what is moral, the canny neo-German after the war hatched
the name of the �overdemand� [Ueberforderung], for its part once more an apologetic
instrument. All thinkable determinations of what is moral, down to the most formal of all,
the unity of the self-consciousness as reason, are squeezed out of that matter, with which
moral philosophy did not wish to soil its hands. Today morality has once again been
granted the hated heteronomy it loathes, and tendentially sublates itself. Without recourse
to the material no Ought [Sollen] could issue from reason; however once it is forced to
recognize its material in abstracto [Latin: in the abstract] as the condition of its
possibility, then it may not cut off the self-reflection on the specific material; otherwise it
would thereby become heteronomous. In hindsight the positivity of what is moral, the
infallibility which the idealists attested to it, reveals itself as the function of a still
somewhat closed society, or at least of its appearance [Schein] to the consciousness
delimited by it. This is what Benjamin may have meant by the conditions and boundaries
of humanity. The primacy taught by the doctrines of Kant and Fichte of practical reason
over theory, actually of reason over reason, is valid only for traditionalistic phases, whose
horizon does not even tolerate the doubt, which the idealists imagined they were
dissolving.
Contemplation 242-243
Marx received the thesis of the primacy of practical reason from Kant and German
idealism and sharpened it into the demand to transform the world instead of merely
interpreting it. He thereby underwrote the program of absolute control of nature,
something Ur-bourgeois. The real model of the identity-principle breaks through, which
dialectical materialism disputes as such, the effort, by which the subject makes what is
dissimilar to it similar. However while turning that which is immanently real to the
concept inside out, Marx is preparing a recoil. The telos of the long overdue praxis,
according to him, was the abolition of its primacy in the form which dominated bourgeois
society through and through. Contemplation would be possible without inhumanity, just
as soon as the productive forces were unfettered to the point that human beings were no
longer devoured by a praxis, which scarcity extorts from them and which then
automatizes itself in them. What is bad in contemplation to this day, which contents itself
to this side of praxis, as Aristoteles was the first to develop it for the summum bonum
[Latin: highest good], was that it became a piece of narrow-minded praxis precisely due
to its indifference towards the transformation of the world: that it became a method and
instrumentalized. The possible reduction of labor to a minimum ought to radically
influence the concept of praxis. Whatever insights would befall a humanity emancipated
through praxis, would be divergent from a praxis, which ideologically exalts itself and in
one fashion or another keeps subjects running on a treadmill. A reflection of this falls on
contemplation today. Against the current objection, extrapolated from the theses on
Feuerbach, that the happiness of the Spirit would be impermissible amidst the increasing
unhappiness of the exploding population of the poor countries, after the catastrophes of
the past and those which threaten in the future, is not merely that it makes for the most
part impotence into a virtue. Certainly there is no longer any justification for enjoying
that of the Spirit, because a happiness forced to see through its own nullity, the borrowed
time, which is given to it, would be none at all. Subjectively, too, it is undermined, even
where it still bestirs itself. There is much to speak for the fact that cognition, whose
possible relation to a transforming praxis is at least momentarily crippled, would not in
itself be any sort of blessing. Praxis is put off and cannot wait; theory, too, ails from this.
Those however who can do nothing, which does not at some point threaten to turn out for
the worse even though it wishes for what is better, are constrained to thinking; that is
their justification and that of the happiness of the Spirit. Its horizon need by no means be
that of a transparent relation to a possible later praxis. The delayed thinking of praxis
always has something inappropriate about it, even when it puts it off out of naked
compulsion. However things go all too easily awry, for those who spoon-feed their
thinking by the cui bono [Latin: who benefits]. What will one be incumbent upon and
bestowed by a better praxis, thinking can so little foresee here and now, in keeping with
the warning of utopianism, than praxis, according to its own concept, could ever exhaust
itself in cognition. Without the practical visa-stamp, thinking should push against the
fa�ade, moving as far as it can possibly move itself. A reality which seals itself off
against traditional theory, even against the best hitherto, demands this for the sake of the
bane which shrouds it; it gazes at the subject with eyes so alien, that the latter, mindful of
its failure, may not spare itself the effort of the reply. The desperate state of affairs, that
the praxis on which everything depends is thwarted, paradoxically affords thinking the
breathing-space which it would practically be criminal not to use. Ironically, thinking
benefits from the fact that one may not absolutize its own concept: it remains, as conduct,
a piece of praxis, however much this would be hidden from itself. But whoever contrasts
literal, sensory happiness as something better than the impermissible one of the Spirit,
fails to recognize that at the conclusion of historical sublimation, the split-off sensory
happiness takes on the aspect of something regressive, similar to the way adults find the
relationship of children to food off-putting. To not be similar to the latter in this respect,
is a piece of freedom.
Structure of the Third Antinomy 243-244
According to the results of the transcendental analytic, the Third Antinomy would be cut
off in advance: �Who called upon you, to think up a purely and simply first condition of
the world and with this an absolute beginning of the gradual sequence of appearances,
and thereby providing a resting-point for your imagination, by setting borders on
boundless nature?�20 Meanwhile Kant was not content with the summary observation,
that the antinomy would be an avoidable mistake of the use of reason, and carried it out,
like the others. The Kantian transcendental idealism contains the anti-idealistic ban on
positing absolute identity. Epistemology is not supposed to behave as if the
unforeseeable, �infinite� content of the experience could be garnered out of positive
determinations of reason. Whoever violates this, would end up in a contradiction
unbearable to �common sense� [in English]. This is plausible, but Kant bores further. The
reason which proceeds, as he upbraids it for doing, must, according to its own meaning,
and for the sake of its inexorable cognitive ideal, keep right on going where it shouldn�t,
as if under a natural and irresistible temptation. It is whispered to reason, that the totality
of the existent would nonetheless converge in it. on the other hand, what is authentic in
the system-alien necessity, as it were, in the infinite continuation of the reason which
searches for conditions, is the idea of the absolute, without which the truth could not be
thought, in contrast to the cognition as a mere adaequatio rei atque cogitationis [Latin:
making the thing equal with what is thought]. That the continuation, and thereby the
antinomy, would be inalienable from the same reason, which nevertheless, as the critical
one, must suppress these sorts of excesses in the transcendental analytic, documents with
unintentional self-critique the contradiction of the critical approach to its own reason as
of the organ of emphatic truth. Kant insists on the necessity of the contradiction and at
the same time stops up the hole, by spiriting away that necessity, which presumably
originated from the nature of reason, to its greater honor, explaining it as solely a false,
but correctable, usage of concepts. � The explanation of freedom, as the �causality
through freedom� mentioned in the thesis of the Third Antinomy, is referred to as
�necessary�21. Its own practical doctrine of freedom, as unequivocally as its intention
manifests, can accordingly not simply be acausal or anticausal. He modifies or expands
the concept of causality, as long as he does not explicitly distinguish it from that
employed in the antithesis. His theorem is fissured by what is contradictory even before
all paradoxicality of the infinite. As a theory of the validity of scientific cognition, the
Critique of Pure Reason cannot deal with its themes otherwise than under the concept of
the law, not even those which are supposed to be beyond lawfulness.
on the Kantian Concept of Causality 245-246
The most famous, utterly formal Kantian definition of causality holds, that everything
which happens, would presuppose a previous condition, �upon which it inexorably
follows in keeping with a rule.�22 Historically it was directed against the school of
Leibniz; against the interpretation of the sequence of conditions out of inner necessity, as
something being-in-itself. on the other hand it distinguishes itself from Hume: without
the rule-based nature [Regelhaftigkeit] of thought, which the latter delivers over to
convention, to something accidental, unanimous experience would not be possible; Hume
would then and there have to speak causally, in order to make what he is rendering
indifferent as convention plausible. In Kant by contrast causality becomes the function of
subjective reason, and what is imagined thereunder becomes more and more watered
down. It dissolves like a piece of mythology. It approximates the principle of rationality
as such, of thinking according to rules. Judgements on causal contexts run out into
tautology: reason observes in them, what it effects anyway as the capacity of laws. That it
prescribes laws of nature or rather the law, says no more than the subsumption under the
unity of reason. It transposes this unity, its own identity-principle, onto the objects and
shuffles it off on them as their cognition. once causality is thoroughly disenchanted, as if
by the taboo on the inner determination of objects, then it also corrodes itself in itself.
Kant�s rescue has the sole advantage over Hume�s denial, that what the latter swept away
is regarded by the former as inborn to reason, as the necessity of its constitution, as it
were, though not as an anthropological contingency. Causality is not supposed to
originate in the objects and their relationship, but instead solely in the subjective thought-
compulsion. That one condition could have something essential, something specific to do
with the next, is dogmatic for Kant. However nomothetisms of successions, in keeping
with the Kantian conception, could be set up, which recall nothing of the causal
relationship. The relationship of the objects to each other, which have gone through what
is inwards, virtually becomes something superficial to the theorem of causality. What is
ignored is the simplest of utterances, that something would be the cause of something
else. The causality which rigorously seals itself off from the inside of objects, is no more
than its own shell. The reductio ad hominem [Latin: reduction to the person] in the
concept of law reaches a borderline value, where the law no longer says anything about
the object; the expansion of causality into the pure concept of reason negates it. Kantian
causality is one without a causa [Latin: cause]. By curing it from the naturalistic
prejudice, it melts away in his hands. That the consciousness cannot indeed escape
causality, as its inborn form, certainly answers to Hume�s weak point. But when Kant
says that the subject must think causally, he also follows in the analysis of what is
constituted, according to the literal meaning of �must�, the causal proposition, to which
he first ought to submit the constituta [Latin: things constituted]. If the constitution of
causality through the pure reason, which for its part is nonetheless supposed to be
freedom, is already subject to causality, then freedom is already compromised from the
outset, that it has scarcely any other place than the complaisance of the consciousness
towards the law. In the construction of the entire antithetics, freedom and causality
intersect. Because the former in Kant is so much as to act out of reason, it is also lawful;
even the free actions �follow rules�. What has resulted from this is the unbearable
mortgage of post-Kantian philosophy, that there would be no freedom without the law;
that it would consist solely in the identification with this. Through German idealism this
was, with unforeseeable political consequences, inherited by Engels:*5* the theoretical
origin of the false reconciliation.
Plea for Order 247-249
That claim to totality which is staked on behalf of causality, so long as it coincides with
the principle of subjectivity, would become untenable along with the epistemological
compulsory character. What in idealism can appear as freedom only paradoxically, would
thus become substantively that moment, which transcends the bracketing of the course of
the world with fate. If causality was sought as a determination � however subjectively
mediated � of the things themselves, then what would open itself up in such a
specification, in contrast to the indiscriminate one of pure subjectivity, is the perspective
of freedom. It would be applicable to what is differentiated from compulsion.
Compulsion would then no longer be praised as the factual action of the subject, its
totality would no longer be affirmed. It would forfeit the a priori power, which was
extrapolated from real compulsion. The more objective the causality, the greater the
possibility of freedom; this is not the least reason why whoever wishes for freedom, must
insist on necessity. By contrast Kant demands freedom and prevents it. The foundation of
the thesis of the Third Antinomy, that of the absolute spontaneity of the cause, the
secularization of the freely deified act of creation, is Cartesian in style; it is supposed to
be valid, so as to satisfy the method. The completion of the cognition establishes itself as
the epistemological criterion; without freedom, �even in the course of nature the
sequence of appearances [would] never [be] complete on the side of the causes.�23 The
totality of cognition, which is tacitly equated therein with the truth, would be the identity
of subject and object. Kant restricts it as a critic of cognition and teaches it as a
theoretician of the truth. A cognition which disposes over the sort of complete sequence
which according to Kant can only be conceived under the hypostasis of an originary act
of absolute freedom; which therefore permits nothing which is sensibly given to be
outside, would be one which is not confronted with anything divergent from it. The
critique of such identity would strike the positive-ontological apotheosis of the subjective
causal concept as well as the Kantian proof of the necessity of freedom, whose pure form
has something contradictory about it anyway. That freedom must be, is the highest iniuria
[Latin: injustice] of the legislating autonomous subject. The content of its own freedom �
identity, which has annexed everything non-identical � is as one with the must, with the
law, with absolute domination. This kindles the Kantian pathos. He construes even
freedom as a special case of causality. What matters to him are �constant laws�. His
deprecating bourgeois aversion to anarchy is not less than his self-conscious bourgeois
antipathy against disenfranchisement. Even here society reaches deep into his most
formal deliberations. What is formal in itself, which on the one hand emancipates the
individuals from the restrictive determinations of what has become so and not otherwise,
on the other hand confronts the existent with nothing, is based on nothing but domination
raised to a pure principle, is something bourgeois. In the origins of the Kantian
Metaphysic of Morals lies hidden the later sociological dichotomy of Comte between the
laws of progress and to those of the social order, including the partisanship for this latter;
by means of its lawfulness it is supposed to restrain progress. The sentence from the
Kantian proof of the antithesis has such an overtone: �the freedom (independence) from
the laws of nature is indeed an emancipation from compulsion, but also from the
guidelines of all rules�.24 It is supposed to be �torn down� through �unconditional
causality�, that is to say: the free act of production; where Kant scientifically criticizes
the latter in the antithesis, he scorns it, as elsewhere the stubborn fact, as �blind�.25 That
Kant hurriedly thinks of freedom as the law, betrays the fact that he takes it no more
scrupulously than his class ever did. Even before they feared the industrial proletariat,
they combined, for example in Smithian economics, praise of the emancipated individual
with the apology for a social order, in which on the one hand the �invisible hand� [in
English] takes care of the beggars as well as the king, while on the other hand even the
free competitor was obliged to follow a code of � feudal � �fair play� [in English]. Kant�s
popularizer did not falsify his philosophical teacher, when he named the social order the
�blessed daughter of heaven� [reference to Schiller�s poem, The Bell] in the same poem,
which hammers home, that when peoples arise, well-being does not thrive. Both wished
to know nothing of the fact that the chaos which that generation discerned in the
comparatively modest terrors of the French Revolution � they displayed less outrage over
the cruelty of the chouans [French: 18th century counter-revolutionaries] � was the
monster of a repression, whose traces survive in those who rise up against it. Like all the
other German geniuses who, as soon as Robespierre provided a pretext, fell over
themselves in relief castigating the revolution which they at first had hailed, Kant praises
�nomothetism� at the expense of �lawlessness� in the proof of the antithesis and even
speaks of a �mirage of freedom�.26 Laws are lent the glorifying epithet �constant�, which
is supposed to raise them above the specter of anarchy, without a glimmer of the
suspicion, that exactly these would be the old ill of what is unfree. But what demonstrates
the primacy of the concept of law in Kant, is that he calls upon it in the proof for the
thesis as much as for the antithesis, as their alleged higher unity.
Demonstrating the Antithesis 249-252
The entire section on the antithetics of pure reason argues, as is well known, e contrario
[Latin: to the contrary]; in the thesis, that the counter-thesis would be guilty of that
transcendental usage of causality, which violates the doctrine of categories in advance;
that the causal category in the antithesis would overstep the borders of the possibility of
experience. What is overlooked therein in terms of content, is that a consistent
scientivism guards itself from such a metaphysical usage of the causal category. In order
to escape from the agnostic consequences of scientivism, which the doctrine of the
theoretical reason unmistakably sympathizes with, Kant constructs an antithesis which
does not at all correspond to the scientivistic position: freedom is achieved by the
destruction of a straw-man made to order. What is proven is only that causality ought not
to be seen as something positively given into infinity � a tautology, according to the tenor
of the Critique of Pure Reason, which the positivists would be the last to object to. By no
means however, not even in the context of the argumentation of the thesis, does it follow
that the causal chain would break with the supposition of a freedom, which is presumed
no less positively than the former. The paralogism is of indescribable import, because it
allows it to positively reinterpret the non liquet [Latin: not proven]. Positive freedom is
an aporetic concept, conceived, in order to conserve the being-in-itself of something
intellectual in contrast to nominalism and scientifization. At a central moment in the
Critique of Practical Reason Kant confessed what this was all about, namely the salvation
of a residue: �Since this law however unavoidably concerns all causality of things,
insofar as their existence is determinable in time, so would freedom, if this were the
manner in which one had to conceive of the existence of these things, have to be rejected
as a nugatory and impossible concept. Consequently if one still wishes to rescue it, no
other way is left than to attribute the existence of a thing, insofar as it is determinable in
time, consequently also causality according to the laws of natural necessity, merely to the
appearance; to attribute to freedom, however, the same essence as the things in
themselves.�27 The construction of freedom confesses to being inspired by what Elective
Affinities later called the salvational desire, while the former, relegated to the
characteristic of the intratemporal subject, is revealed as �nugatory and impossible�. The
aporetic essence of the construction, not the abstract possibility of the antithesis in the
infinite, speaks against the positive doctrine of freedom. The critique of reason
apodictically rejects all talk of a subject beyond space and time as an object of cognition.
At first even the moral philosophy argues this: �Even of itself and indeed according to the
knowledge, which the human being has through inner sensation, it may not presume to
cognize, how it would be in itself.�28 The forward to the Critique of Practical Reason
repeats this, by citing that of the pure reason.29 That the �objects of experience�, as Kant
stipulates, would �nevertheless be grounded as things in themselves�,30 sounds crassly
dogmatic after that. Aporetic meanwhile is by no means only the question of the
possibility, of cognizing what the subject would be in and for itself. Every merely
thinkable, in the Kantian sense �noumenal�, determination of the subject ends up this
way, too. In order to share in freedom, this noumenal subject must, according to Kant�s
doctrine, be extratemporal, �as a pure intelligence, which is not determinable in its
existence according to time�.31 The salvational desire makes this noumenal into an
existence � because nothing at all of this could be predicated otherwise � even though it
is not supposed to be determinable according to time. Existence however, as anything
which is given, which has not faded into the pure idea, is according to its own concept
intratemporal. In the Critique of Pure Reason � in the deduction of the pure concept of
understanding as well as in the chapter on schematism*6* � the unity of the subject
becomes a pure temporal form. It integrates the facts of consciousness, as those of the
same person. No synthesis without the intratemporal interrelation of the synthesized
moments to each other; it would be the condition of even the most formal logical
operations and of their validity. Accordingly however timelessness could not be ascribed
to an absolute subject either, so long as something under the name of the subject is
supposed to be thought. At most, rather, it would be absolute time. It is unfathomable,
how freedom, the principal attribute of the temporal act and realized solely temporally, is
supposed to be predicated by something radically non-temporal; equally unfathomable,
how something non-temporal of this sort could have an affect in the spatio-temporal
world, without itself becoming temporal and straying into the Kantian realm of causality.
The concept of the thing-in-itself steps in as a deus ex machina [Latin: automatic god].
Hidden and indeterminate, it marks a blind spot of thought; solely its indeterminacy
permits it to be utilized as needed for the explanation. The only peep out of the thing in
itself which Kant permits is that it �affects� the subject. Thereby however it would be
sharply opposed to this, and only by an irredeemable speculation, nowhere performed by
Kant, could it be thrown together with the moral subject as something which likewise
exists in itself. Kant�s critique of cognition prevents the summoning of freedom into
existence; he helps himself by conjuring up a sphere of existence, which indeed would be
exempt from that critique, but also from every judgement, over what it would be. His
attempt to concretize the doctrine of freedom, to ascribe freedom to living subjects, is
caught in paradoxical assertions: �One can thus concede, that if it were possible for us to
have a deep insight into the manner of thinking of a human being, as to how it shows
itself through inner as well as outer actions, that every last mainspring thereof would be
known to us, along with all the external causes which affect them, one could calculate the
behavior of a human being in the future with certainty, just like the lunar or solar eclipse
and nevertheless maintain, that the human being would be free.�32 That Kant even in the
Critique of Practical Reason cannot do without termini like mainspring, is relevant in
terms of content. The attempt to make freedom comprehensible, insofar as a doctrine of
freedom cannot afford to do without this, inescapably leads through the medium of its
metaphors to conceptions from the empirical world. �Mainspring� is a causal-mechanical
concept. Even if the previous proposition were valid, however, then the one afterwards
would be nonsense. It would serve solely to relate what is being metaphysically related
to, which is empirically in total causality, through the mythical context of destiny, by
burdening it in the name of freedom with the guilt, which would be nothing of the sort in
the totally given determination. Through its culpability this would be reinforced into the
innermost core of its subjectivity. Nothing is left to such a construction of freedom other
than, under the sacrifice of the reason on which it is supposed to rest, to cow in
authoritarian fashion those who attempt to think it in vain. Reason for its part however is
nothing other to him than the legislating capacity. That is why he must conceive of
freedom from the very beginning as a �special kind of causality�.33 By positing it, he
takes it back.
ontic and Ideal Moments 252-257
In fact the aporetic construction of freedom is based not on the noumenal but on the
phenomenal. There, that given fact of moral law can be observed, by which Kant
believes, despite everything, freedom to be warranted as something existent. Meanwhile
the given fact, as the very word hints, is the opposite of freedom, naked compulsion,
exerted in space and time. For Kant freedom means so much as the pure practical reason,
which produces its objects itself; this would have to do �not with objects, to recognize
them, but with their own capacity, to really make these (according to the cognition of the
same).�34 The absolute autonomy of the will implied therein would be so much as
absolute domination over inner nature. Kant continues: �To be consistent, is the greatest
obligation of a philosopher and yet is the most seldom met.�35 This not only passes off the
formal logic of pure consistency as the highest moral authority, but at the same time the
subordination of every impulse under the logical unity, its primacy over what is diffuse in
nature, indeed over all diversity of the non-identical; that always appears inconsistent in
the closed circle of logic. In spite of the resolution of the Third Antinomy, Kantian moral
philosophy remains antinomic: it is capable, according to the entire conception, of
conceiving of the concept of freedom solely as repression. The entirety of the
concretizations of morality in Kant bear repressive features. Their abstractness is
substantive, because they exclude from the subject, what does not correspond to its pure
concept. Thus the Kantian rigorism. The hedonistic principle is argued against, not
because it is evil in itself, but because it would be heteronomous to the pure ego: �The
pleasure from the conception of the existence of a thing, insofar as it is supposed to be a
grounds of determination of desire of this thing, is based on the sensitivity of the subject,
because it depends on the existence of an object; it thus belongs the senses (feelings) and
not to the understanding, which expresses a relation of a concept of an object according
to concepts, but not of a subject according to feelings.�36 But the honor with which Kant
sanctifies freedom, by wishing to purify it from everything which impinges on it,
simultaneously condemns the person to unfreedom in principle. It cannot experience such
a freedom, tightened to an extreme pitch, otherwise than as the restriction of its own
impulses. If Kant inclines nevertheless towards happiness in many passages, as in the
magnificent second note of the second theorem from the foundations of practical reason,
then his humanity breaks through the norm of consistency. It may have dawned on him,
that without such clemency one could not live according to moral law. The pure principle
of reason of personality ought to converge with that of the self-preservation of the person,
with the totality of its �interests�, which includes happiness. Kant�s position to this is as
ambivalent as the bourgeois Spirit as a whole, which would like to guarantee �the pursuit
of happiness� [in English] to the individual [Individuum] and would forbid it through the
work-ethic. Such sociological reflection is not introduced from the outside, in a
classificatory manner, into the Kantian a priorism. The fact that termini of social content
appear over and over again in the Foundation and in the Critique of Practical Reason,
may be incompatible with the a prioristic intention. But without such a metabasis Kant
would have to fall silent before the question concerning the compatibility of moral law
with empirical human beings. He would have to capitulate to heteronomy, as soon as he
confessed that autonomy was unrealizable. If in the service of systematic validity one
wished to expropriate those socially content-based termini of their simple meaning and
sublimate them to ideas, then one would ignore not only their wording. The true origin of
moral categories is registered in them with greater power, than Kant�s intention is able to
handle. Thus the famed variant of the categorical imperative from the Foundation: �Act
so, that you always use the humanity in your person, as much as in every other person, at
the same time as an end, never merely as means�,37 then �humanity�, the human potential
in human beings, may have been meant only as a regulative idea; humanity, the principle
of human existence, by no means the sum of all human beings, is not yet realized.
Nevertheless the addition of the factical content in the word is not to be shaken off: every
individual is to be respected as the representative of the socialized species humanity, no
mere function of the exchange-process. The decisive distinction urged by Kant between
means and ends is social, that between subjects as commodities of labor-power, out of
which value is economically produced, and the human beings who even as such
commodities remain subjects, for whose sake the entire operation, which forgets them
and only incidentally satisfies them, is set into motion. Without this perspective the
variant of the imperative would lose itself in a void. The �never merely� however is, as
Horkheimer put it, one of those usages of a sublime sobriety, in which Kant, in order to
not spoil the chance of the realization of utopia, accepts empiricism even in its most
degraded form, that of exploitation, as the condition of what is better, insofar as he then
develops it in the philosophy of history, under the concept of antagonism. This reads:
�The means, by which nature serves to bring the development of all its predispositions
into existence, is the antagonism of the same in society, insofar as this latter in the end
becomes nonetheless the cause of a lawful social order of the same. What I understand
here under antagonism is the unsociable sociability of human beings, i.e. the tendency of
the same to enter into society, which however is tied to a thorough-going resistance,
which constantly threatens to separate this society. This predisposition evidently lies in
human nature. Human beings have an inclination to be socialized: because they feel
themselves to be more of a human being in such a condition, i.e. the development of their
natural predispositions. They have however also a great tendency to particularize (isolate)
themselves: because they find in themselves simultaneously the unsociable characteristic,
the wish to arrange everything merely according to their mind, and hence expect
resistance everywhere, just as they know themselves, that they for their part are inclined
to resistance against others. Now this resistance is that which awakens all powers of
humanity, bringing it thereby to overcome its tendency towards laziness and, driven by
the desire for honor, for lordship or for property, to establish a position amongst their
fellows, which they most likely cannot stand, but cannot do without, either.�38 The
�principle of humanity as an end in itself�39 is, despite all meditative ethics to the
contrary, nothing merely innervated, but a promissory note on the realization of a concept
of human beings, which has its place only as the social, albeit innervated, principle in
every individual. Kant must have noticed the double meaning of the word humanity, as
the idea of being human and of the epitome of all humanity. With dialectical profundity
he introduced it into theory, even if only playfully. Consequently his usage of speech
continues to oscillate between ontic and idea-related modes of parlance. �Rational
beings�40 are just as certainly living human subjects, as the �general realm of ends in
themselves�41, which are supposed to be identical with rational beings, transcends these in
Kant. He would like neither to cede the idea of humanity to the existent society nor to
dissolve such into a phantasm. The tension rises to the breaking point in his ambivalence
towards happiness. on the one hand he defends such in the concept of being worthy of
happiness, on the other hand he disparages it as heteronomous, especially where he finds
�universal happiness�42 to be of no use to the law of the will. How little Kant, in spite of
the categorical character of the imperative, would dream of ontologizing this posthaste, is
confirmed by the passage, �that� the concept of good and evil must be determined not
before the moral law (on which it superficially seems it ought to be grounded), but only
(as also happens here) after the selfsame and through the selfsame.�43 Good and evil are
no mere existents-in-themselves of some intellectual-moral hierarchy but are something
posited by reason; that is how deeply nominalism still reaches into Kantian rigorismus.
However by fastening the moral categories to self-preserving reason, they are no longer
thoroughly incompatible with that happiness, against which Kant so harshly expounded
them. The modifications of his stance towards happiness in the course of the Critique of
Practical Reason are no backpedaling concessions to the tradition of the ethics of goods;
rather, preceding Hegel, the model of a movement of the concept. The moral universality
passes, whether willed or no, over into society. This is formally documented by the first
note to the fourth theorem of Practical Reason: �Therefore the mere form of a law, which
restricts the matter, must at the same time be a grounds, to add this matter to the will, but
not to presuppose it. The material may be for example my own happiness. This, if I
attribute it to everyone (as I may in fact do in finite beings), can thus only become an
objective practical law, if I include that of others in the same. Thus the law to promote
the happiness of others originates not from the presupposition, that this would be an
object for everyone�s caprice, but merely from the fact that the form of universality,
which reason requires as a condition of giving a maxim of self-love the objective validity
of a law, becomes the grounds of the determination of the will, and therefore the grounds
of the determination of the pure will was not the object (the happiness of others), but
solely the mere lawful form of it, by which I restricted my maxim grounded on my
inclination, in order to obtain the universality of a law and to make it fit for the pure
practical reason, solely out of whose restriction, and not from the addition of an external
mainspring, could the concept of what is committal � to extend the maxims of self-love
also to the happiness of others � originate.�44 The doctrine of the absolute independence
of the moral law of the empirical being and indeed of the pleasure-principle is suspended,
by the incorporation of the thought of living creatures in the radical, general formulation
of the imperative.
Doctrine of Freedom Repressive 257-258
Adjacent to this, Kant�s ethics, fragile in itself, retains its repressive aspect. It triumphs in
unmitigated form in the need for punishment.*7* The following lines stem not from the
late works but from the Critique of Practical Reason: �Likewise if someone, who
otherwise is an honest man (or is only placed in thought in the position of an honest
man), confronts the moral law, in which he recognizes the unworthiness of a liar, his
practical reason (in the judgement over that, which he is supposed to do) immediately
departs from the advantage, unifying itself with what preserves the respect for his own
person (truthfulness), and the advantage will now, after it has been separated from
everything extraneous to reason (which is solely and totally on the side of duty) and
cleansed, is weighed by everyone, in order to bring in all likelihood still other cases into
connection with reason, only not where it could run counter to the moral law, which
reason never departs from, but thereby unites its innermost core with it.�45 In the
contempt for compassion, the pure practical reason accords with the �Grow hard� of
Nietzsche, its antipode: �Even the feeling of compassion and soft-hearted participation, if
it precedes the consideration of what duty would be and becomes a grounds of
determination, burdens the well-meaning person, bringing their considered maxims into
confusion and causes them to wish to be rid of them and to submit solely to the
legislating reason.�46 At times, the intermixed heteronomy of the inner composition of
autonomy boils over into rage against the same reason, which is supposed to be the origin
of freedom. Then Kant takes the side of the antithesis of the Third Antinomy: �Where
however determination according to natural laws ceases, there cease also all explanations,
and nothing remains but the defense, that is the driving away of the objections of those,
who pretend to have seen deeper into the essence of things and hence blithely declare
freedom to be impossible.�47 Obscurantism entwines itself with the cult of reason as that
which rules absolutely. The compulsion, which according to Kant proceeds from the
categorical imperative, contradicts the freedom, which is supposed to be constituted in it
as its highest determination. This is not the least of the reasons why the imperative,
stripped of all empiricism, is presented as a �factum�48 which needs no test by reason, in
spite of the chorismos between facticity and the idea. The antinomics of the Kantian
doctrine of freedom is sharpened to the point that the moral law counts as rational for it
and as not rational; rational, because it reduces itself to pure logical reason without
content; not rational, because it would be accepted as a given fact, it would no longer be
analyzed; every attempt to do so is anathema. This antinomics is not to be shuffled off
onto the philosopher: the pure logic of consistency, compliant to self-preservation
without self-reflection, is deluded in itself, irrational. The hideous Kantian expression of
�reasonalizing� [Vernuenfteln: reasoning], which still echoes in Hegel�s �raisonnement�
[Raisonnieren: reasoning], which denounces reason without any valid grounds of
distinction, and whose hypostasis is beyond all rational ends, is consistent despite its
glaring contradiction. The ratio turns into irrational authority.
Self-experience of Freedom and Unfreedom 258-262
The contradiction dates back to the objective one between the experience of
consciousness of itself and its relationship to the totality. The individuated feels free,
insofar as it is opposed to society and may undertake something against it or other
individuals, although incomparably less than it believes. Its freedom is primarily that of
pursuing its own ends, which are not immediately exhausted in social ones; to this extent
it coincides with the principle of individuation. Freedom of this type has escaped the
natural-rootedness of society; within an increasingly rational one it has achieved a degree
of reality. At the same time it remains appearance [Schein] in the midst of bourgeois
society, no less than individuality generally. The critique of the freedom of the will, like
that of determinism, means critique of this appearance [Schein]. The law of value realizes
itself over the heads of formally free individuals. They are unfree, according to Marx�s
insight, as its involuntary executors, and indeed all the more thoroughly, the more the
social antagonisms grow, in which the conception of freedom first formed. The process
by which what is individuated becomes autonomous, the function of the exchange-
society, terminates in its abolition through integration. What produced freedom, recoils
into unfreedom. The individuated was free as the economically active bourgeois subject,
to the extent that autonomy was promoted by the economic system, so that it would
function. Its autonomy is thereby already potentially repudiated at its origin. The freedom
of which it boasted was, as Hegel first discerned, also something negative, the mockery
of the true one; the expression of the contingency of the social fate of each and every
individual. The real necessity in freedom, which had to maintain itself and, as ultra-
liberal ideology praised it, prevailed by elbowing its way through, was the cover-image
[Deckbild] of the total social necessity, which compels the individual towards ruggedness
[in English and in italics in the original], so that it survives. Even concepts which are so
abstract, that they appear to approximate invariance, prove themselves to be historical.
Just so that of life. While it reproduces itself further under conditions of unfreedom, its
concept presupposes, according to its own meaning, the possibility of what is not yet
included, of the open experience, which has been so much more lessened, that the word
life already sounds like empty consolation. The freedom of the bourgeois individuated is
no less of a caricature, however, than the necessity of its action. It is not, as the concept
of the law commands, transparent, but strikes every individual subject as an accident, the
continuation of mythical fate. Life has retained this negativity, an aspect which furnished
the title for a duet piano piece of Schubert, Storms of Life. In the anarchy of commodity
production the natural-rootedness of society reveals itself, as it vibrates in the word life,
as a biological category for something essentially social. If the process of production and
reproduction of society were transparent to subjects and determined by them, then they
would also no longer be passively buffeted to and fro by the ominous storms of life. What
is called life would thereby disappear, including the fatal aura, with which the Jugendstil
surrounded the word in the industrial age, as the justification of a bad irrationality. At
times the transience of that surrogate cast out its friendly shadow beforehand: today the
adultery literature of the nineteenth century is already rubbish, excepting its greatest
products, which cite the historical Ur-images of that epoch. Just as no theater director
would dare to play Hebbel�s Gyges before an audience which does not wish to dispense
with their bikinis � the fear of what is materially anachronistic, the lack of aesthetic
distance, has at the same time something barbaric about it � something similar will
transpire, once humanity worked it out, for nearly everything which counts today as life
and merely deceives one over how little life there really is. Until then the prevailing
lawfulness is contrary to the individual and its interests. Under the conditions of the
bourgeois economy this is not to be shaken; the question concerning the freedom or
unfreedom of the will, as something available, cannot be answered in it. It is for its part
the molded cast of bourgeois society: the in truth historical category of the individual
deceptively exempts that question from the social dynamic and treats every individual as
an Ur-phenomenon. Obediently freedom has innervated the ideology of individualistic
society badly within itself; this bars every definitive answer to ideology. If the thesis of
the freedom of the will burdens the dependent individuals with the social injustice, over
which they can do nothing, and humiliates them unceasingly with desiderata, before
which they must fail, then on the other hand the thesis of unfreedom metaphysically
prolongs the primacy of the given, declares itself to be immutable and encourages
individuals, insofar as they are not already prepared to do so, to cower, since indeed
nothing else is left for them to do. Determinism acts as if dehumanization, the commodity
character of labor-power developed into a totality, were human essence pure and simple,
incognizant of the fact that the commodity character finds its borders in labor-power,
which is not mere exchange-value but also has use-value. If the freedom of the will is
merely denied, then human beings are reduced without reservations to the normal form of
the commodity character of their labor in developed capitalism. No less topsy-turvy is a
prioristic determinism as the doctrine of the freedom of the will, which in the middle of
commodity society abstracts from this. The individuated itself forms a moment of it; the
former is ascribed the pure spontaneity, which society expropriates. The subject needs
only to pose the inescapable alternative of the freedom or unfreedom of the will, and it is
already lost. Each drastic thesis is false. That of determinism and that of freedom
coincide in their innermost core. Both proclaim identity. Through the reduction to pure
spontaneity, the empirical subjects are subjected to the same law, which expands itself
into the category of causality of determinism. Free human beings would perhaps also be
emancipated from the will; surely only in a free society would individuals be free. Along
with external repression, the inner one would disappear, probably after a long interim
period and under the permanent threat of regression. If the philosophical tradition, in the
Spirit of repression, confounded freedom and responsibility, then this latter would pass
over into the fearless, active participation of every individual: in a whole, which would
no longer institutionally harden the participation, in which however they would have real
consequences. The antinomy between the determination of the individuated and the social
responsibility which contradicts it is no false usage of concepts but real, the moral form
of the irreconcilability of universal and particular. That even Hitler and his monsters,
according to all psychological insight, are slaves of their earliest childhood, products of
mutilation, and that nevertheless the few, which were able to be caught, ought not to be
allowed to go free, if the atrocity is not to repeat itself into the indefinite future, which the
unconscious of the masses thereby justifies, in that no ray of light fell from the heavens �
this is not to be glossed over by jury-rigged constructions such as a utilitarian necessity,
which quarrels with reason. What is individuated befalls humanity only when the entire
sphere of individuation, including its moral aspect, is seen through as an epiphenomenon.
At times the total society, out of the despair of its condition, represents the freedom,
against individuals, which goes into protest in their unfreedom. on the other hand, in the
epoch of universal social oppression the picture of freedom against society lives only in
the torn-apart, maimed traits of the individuated. Where this hides away each time in
history, is not decreed for once and for all. Freedom becomes concrete in the changing
forms of repression: in resistance against these. There was so much freedom of the will,
as human beings wished to free themselves. However freedom itself is so tangled up with
unfreedom, that it is not merely inhibited by the latter, but has it as the condition of its
own concept. This is no more to be separated out as an absolute than any other individual
one. Without the unity and the compulsion of reason, nothing which is similar to freedom
could ever have been thought, let alone come to be; this is documented in philosophy. No
model of freedom is available, except as consciousness, as in the social total constitution,
intervening through this in the complexion of what is individuated. That is why this is not
thoroughly chimerical, because consciousness for its part is branched-off drive-energy,
itself also impulse, is a moment, too, of what it intervenes in. If there were not that
affinity, which Kant frantically denies, nor would there be the idea of freedom, for whose
sake he wishes to hush up the affinity.
on the Crisis of Causality 262-266
What is happening to the idea of freedom meanwhile appears also to be happening to its
counterpart, the concept of causality; that in keeping with the universal trend towards the
false sublation of the antagonisms, the universal liquidates the particular from above,
through identification. This is not to be short-circuited by returning to the crisis of
causality in natural sciences. It applies there expressly only in the micro-realm; on the
other hand the formulations of causality in Kant, at least those of the Critique of Pure
Reason, are so �large� [in English], that they presumably have room even for merely
statistical nomothetisms. The natural sciences, which content themselves with operational
definitions immanent to their mode of procedure, even with respect to causality, and
philosophy, which cannot dispense with an accounting of causality, if it wishes to do
more than merely abstractly repeat natural-scientific methodology, are miserably broken
from each other, and the need alone will not glue them back together. The crisis of
causality is visible however even in what philosophical experience can still reach, in
contemporary society. Kant accepted as the unquestionable method of reason, that every
condition is traced back to �its� cause. The sciences, which philosophy for the most part
moves further and further away from, the more enthusiastically it recommends itself as
the former�s spokesperson, may operate less with causal chains than causal networks.
This is however more than an incidental concession to the empirical ambiguity of causal
relations. Even Kant had to acknowledge that the consciousness of all causal sequences
which intersect in every phenomenon, instead of being unequivocally determined by
causality in temporal succession, is essential to the category itself, in his words, is a
priori: no individual event is excepted from that multiplicity. The infinity of what is
interwoven and which intersects in itself makes it impossible in principle, by no means
merely practically, to form unequivocal causal chains, as the Thesis and Antithesis of the
Third Antinomy stipulate in equal measure. Even tangible historical inquiries, which in
Kant still remained in a finite course, involve, horizontally as it were, that positive
infinity which applies in the critique in the antinomy chapter. Kant ignores this, as if he
were transposing relationships clearly visible in small towns to all possible objects. No
path leads from his model to full-fledged causal determinations. Because he treats the
causal relationship solely as a principle, he thinks past what is interwoven in principle.
This omission is conditioned by the relocation of causality into the transcendental
subject. As the pure form of lawfulness it shrinks to one-dimensionality. The inclusion of
the ill-famed �reciprocal effect� in the table of categories is the retrospective attempt to
answer for that lack, attesting also to the dawning crisis of causality. Its schemata
replicated, as did not escape the Durkheim school, the simple generational relationship,
so very much as its explanation requires causality. It takes on an aspect of something
feudal, if not, as in Anaximander and Heraclitus, of an archaic juridical relationship of
vengeance. Causality, the inheritor of the activating spirits in things, has been as
delimited by the process of demythologization as much as reinforced by such in the name
of the law. If causality is the actual unity in the polyvalence, which led Schopenhauer to
favor it among the categories, then the bourgeois era was throughout as much causality as
system. The more unequivocal the relationships were, the easier it was to speak of it in
history. Hitler�s Germany caused the Second World War more precisely than the
Wilhelmine one did the First. But the tendency recoils on itself. Ultimately there is a
level of system � the social keyword is: integration � in which the universal dependence
of all moments on all other ones makes the talk of causality obsolete; the search for what
inside a monolithic society is supposed to be the cause is in vain. The cause is only this
latter itself. Causality has withdrawn as it were into the totality; in the midst of its system
it becomes indistinguishable. The more its concept, under scientific mandate, dilutes
itself to abstraction, the less the simultaneous threads of the universally socialized
society, which are condensed to an extreme, permit one condition to be traced back with
evidence to others. Each one hangs together horizontally as vertically with all others,
tinctures all, is tinctured by all. The latest doctrine in which enlightenment employed
causality as a decisive political weapon, the Marxist one of superstructure and
infrastructure, lags almost innocently behind a condition, in which the apparatuses of
production, distribution and domination, as well as economic and social relations and
ideologies are inextricably interwoven, and in which living human beings have turned
into bits of ideology. Where these latter are no longer added to the existent as something
justifying or complementary, but pass over into the appearance [Schein], that what is,
would be inescapable and thereby legitimated, the critique which operates with the
unequivocal causal relation of superstructure and infrastructure aims wide of the mark. In
the total society everything is equally close to the midpoint; it is as transparent, its
apologetics as threadbare, as those who see through it, who die out. Critique could
portray, in every administration building and every airport, to what extent the
infrastructure has become its own superstructure. For this it needs on the one hand the
physiognomics of the total condition and of the extended individual data, on the other
hand the analysis of economic structural transformations; no longer the derivation of an
ideology, which is not at all available as something independent or even with its own
truth-claim, out of its causal conditions. That the validity of causality decomposes
correlative to the downfall of the possibility of freedom, is the symptom of the
transformation of a society, rational in its means, into that openly irrational one, which
latently, according to its ends, it was long ago. The philosophy of Leibniz and Kant, by
means of the separation of the final cause from the phenomenally valid causality in the
narrow sense, and the attempt at unifying both, felt something of that divergence, without
getting to its root in the ends-means antinomy of bourgeois society. But the
disappearance of causality today signals no realm of freedom. In the total reciprocal
effect, the old dependence reproduces itself on an expanded level. Through its million-
fold web it prevents the long overdue, palpably graspable rational penetration, which
causal thinking wished to promote in the service of progress. Causality itself makes sense
only in a horizon of freedom. It seemed to be protected from empiricism, because without
its assumption the cognition organized into science did not seem possible; idealism
possessed no stronger argument. Kant�s effort however, to raise causality as a subjective
thought-necessity to a constitutive condition of objectivity, was no more binding than its
empiricist denial. Even he had to distance himself from the assumption of an innervated
context of phenomena, without which causality becomes an if-then relation, which glides
away precisely from that emphatic lawfulness � �a priority� � which the doctrine of
subjective-categorical essence of causality wishes to conserve; scientific development
then fulfilled the potential of Kant�s doctrine. Another makeshift substitute is the
foundation of causality through its immediate self-experience in the motivation.
Meanwhile psychology has substantively demonstrated that self-experience not only can
deceive, but must.
Causality as Bane 266-267
If causality as a subjective thought-principle is tainted with absurdity, if there is no
cognition however completely without the former, then one would need to seek out a
moment in it, which is itself not thinking. What is to be learned from causality, is what
identity perpetrated upon the non-identical. The consciousness of causality is, as that of
lawfulness, the consciousness of this; as the critique of cognition, also that of the
subjective appearance [Schein] in the identification. Reflective causality points to the
idea of freedom as the possibility of non-identity. Objectively causality would be, in a
provocatively anti-Kantian sense, a relationship between things in themselves, insofar
and only insofar as these are subordinated to the principle of identity. It is, objectively
and subjectively, the bane of controlled nature. It has its fundamentum in re [Latin:
fundamental basis] in identity, which as an intellectual principle is only the reflection of
the real control of nature. In the reflection on causality, which finds this everywhere in
nature there, where the latter is dominated by the former, reason also becomes aware of
its own natural-rootedness, of the bane-casting principle. In such self-consciousness,
progressive enlightenment separates itself from the regression into mythology, which it
unreflectively subscribed to. It escapes the omnipotence of the schemata of its reduction,
�that is what human beings are�, in that human beings recognize themselves, for what
they are otherwise insatiably reduced to. Causality is nothing other however than the
natural-rootedness of humanity, which the latter perpetuates as domination over nature. If
the subject once comes to know the moment of its equality with nature, then it would no
longer turn nature into what resembles itself. That is the secret and inverted truth-content
of idealism. For the more thoroughly the subject, according to idealistic custom, makes
nature the same as itself, the further it distances itself from all equality with it. Affinity is
the razor�s edge of dialectical enlightenment. It recoils into delusion, the nonconceptual
execution from outside, as soon as it completely cuts through the affinity. No truth
without the latter: this is what idealism caricatured in identity-philosophy. Consciousness
knows as much about its other as it is similar to the latter, not by canceling itself out
along with the similarity. Objectivity as the residue after the subtraction of the subject is a
mere aping. It is the schemata, unconscious to itself, to which the subject reduces its
other. The less it tolerates the affinity to things, the more ruthlessly it identifies. But even
affinity is no positive ontological individual determination. If it turns into an intuition,
into an immediate, empathically cognized truth, then it is ground up as an archaicism by
the dialectic of the enlightenment, as warmed-over mythos; in accordance with the
mythology which reproduces itself out of pure reason, with domination. Affinity is no
remainder, which cognition would hold in its hands after the mandatory leveling
[Gleichschaltung] of identification-schemata of the categorical apparatus, but rather their
determinate negation. Causality is reflected upon in such critique. In it thinking
consummates the mimicry of the bane of things, which it cast around these, on the
threshold of a sympathy, which would cause the bane to vanish. The subjectivity of
causality has an elective affinity to objects, as the premonition of what the subject caused
them to experience.
Reason, Ego, Superego 267-271
The Kantian turn of moral law into the factum draws its suggestive power from the fact
that he can cite such a given fact in the sphere of the empirical person. This is
advantageous for the mediation, always problematic, between what is intelligible and
what is empirical. The phenomenology of empirical consciousness, and indeed the
psychology, runs into precisely that conscience which is the voice of moral law in the
Kantian doctrine. The descriptions of its efficacy, for example that of �constraint�, are no
mental phantoms. The traits of compulsion, which Kant carved into the doctrine of
freedom, are to be read out of the real compulsion of the conscience. The empirical
irresistibility of the psychologically existent conscience, of the superego, vouchsafes for
the facticity of the moral law against its transcendental principle, which nonetheless
ought to disqualify it as the foundation of autonomous morality for Kant as much as the
heteronomous drive. That Kant tolerates no critique of the conscience, brings him into
conflict with his own insight, that in the phenomenal world all motivations are those of
the empirical, psychological ego. That is why he removed the genetic moment from
moral philosophy and replaced it with the construction of the intelligible character, which
indeed the subject would initially give to itself.*8* The temporal-genetic and in spite of
everything once again �empirical� claim of that �initially�, is however not to be
redeemed. Whatever one knows of the genesis of the character, is incompatible with the
assertion of such an act of moral Ur-generation. The ego, which is supposed to
consummate it in Kant, is not anything immediate but itself something mediated,
something originated, in psychoanalytic termini: branched off from diffuse libido-energy.
Not only is all specific content of the moral law constitutively related to factical existence
but also its presumably pure, imperative form. It presupposes the innervation of
repression as much as the prior development of the fixed, identical self-maintaining
authority of the ego, which is absolutized by Kant as the necessary condition of morality.
Every interpretation of Kant, which would complain about his formalism and which
would undertake to demonstrate, with its help, the empirical relativity of the morality this
eliminated in the content, does not reach far enough. Even in its most extreme
abstraction, the law is something which has come to be; the anguish of its abstraction,
sedimented content, domination reduced to its normal form, that of identity. Psychology
has concretely caught up with what in Kant�s time it did not yet know and which it
therefore did not specifically need to concern itself with: the empirical genesis of what
Kant glorified, unanalyzed, as timelessly intelligible. In its heroic period the Freudian
school, in agreement on this point with the other, enlightening Kant, demanded the
ruthless critique of the superego as something alien to the ego, something truly
heteronomous. It saw through it as the blind and unconscious innervation of social
compulsion. Sandor Ferenczi�s Building Blocks of Psychoanalysis states, with a caution
which is best explained as fear of social consequences, �that a real character-analysis
must remove, at least provisionally, every kind of superego, and thus even that of the
analyst. Ultimately the patient must indeed become free of all emotional bonds, insofar as
they go beyond reason and the former�s own libidinous tendencies. only this sort of
demolition of the superego can lead at all to a radical healing; successes, which consist
merely of substituting one superego for another, must be characterized as merely
transference-successes; they certainly do not do justice to the end-goal of therapy, which
is to be rid of the transference, too.�49 Reason, in Kant the ground of the conscience, is
supposed to refute it by dissolving it. For the unreflective domination of reason, that of
the ego over the id, is identical with the repressive principle, which psychoanalysis,
whose critique was silenced by the reality-principle of the ego, displaced into the latter�s
unconscious reign. The separation of ego and superego, which its topology insists upon,
is dubious; genetically both lead equally to the innervation of the father-image. That is
why the analytic theories of the superego waned so quickly, however boldly they were
raised: otherwise they would have to infringe on the cherished ego. Ferenczi immediately
qualifies his critique: �his struggle� is directed �only against the part of the superego
which has become unconscious and thus impervious to influence�50. But this does not
suffice: the irresistibility of the compulsion of the conscience consists, as Kant observed,
in such becoming unconscious, just like the archaic taboos; if a condition of universally
rational topicality were conceivable, no superego would establish itself. Attempts, like
that of Ferenczi and particularly psychoanalytic revisionism, which subscribe along with
other healthy viewpoints also to that of the healthy superego, to divide it into an
unconscious and a preconscious and therefore more harmless part, are in vain; the
concretization and process of becoming independent, through which the conscience
becomes an authority, is constitutively a forgetting and to this extent ego-alien. Ferenczi
emphasizes in agreement that �the normal human being continues to retain in their
preconscious furthermore a sum of positive and negative models�51. If however a concept
in the strict Kantian understanding is heteronomous, in psychoanalytical terms is one of a
libidinous cathexis, it is that of the model, the correlate of that �normal human being�,
who Ferenczi equally respects, who deliver themselves over actively and passively to
every social repression and who psychoanalysis uncritically draws, out of the disastrous
faith in the division of labor, from the existing society. How closely psychoanalysis
comes to that repression, as soon as the critique it inaugurated of the superego was braked
out of social conformism, which to this day disfigures all doctrines of freedom, is shown
most clearly by passages from Ferenczi like this: �So long as this superego takes care in a
moderate manner, that one feels oneself as a moral citizen and acts as such, it is a useful
institution, which ought not to be disturbed. But pathological exaggerations of the
formation of the superego��52 The fear of exaggerations is the mark of the same ethical
bourgeois nature, which may at no price renounce the superego along with its
irrationalities. How the normal and the pathic superego would be subjectively
distinguished, according to psychological criteria, is something which psychoanalysis,
coming to its senses all too quickly, is just as silent about as the upstanding citizenry
[Spiessbuerger] are about the border between what they cherish as their natural national
feeling and nationalism. The sole criterion of the distinction is the social effect, whose
quaestiones iuris [Latin: legal question] psychoanalysis declares to be outside its realm of
competence. Reflections on the superego are, as Ferenczi says, though in contradiction to
his words, truly �metapsychological�. The critique of the superego ought to become the
critique of the society, which produced it; if it falls silent before this, then it
accommodates the prevailing social norm. To recommend the superego for the sake of its
social utility or inalienability, while it itself, as a mechanism of compulsion, does not
confer that objective validity, which it claims in the context of affective psychological
motivations, repeats and reinforces the irrationalities inside of psychology, which the
latter made itself strong enough to �remove�.
Potential of Freedom 271-272
What however has been occurring in the most recent epoch, is the externalization of the
superego into unconditional adjustment, not its sublation in a more rational whole. The
ephemeral traces of freedom, the emissaries of possibility in empirical life, are becoming
tendentially fewer; freedom into a borderline value. Not even as a complementary
ideology is it entrusted to present itself; the functionaries, who meanwhile also administer
ideology with a firm hand, evidently have little confidence in the attractive power of
freedom as propaganda-technicians. It is being forgotten. Unfreedom is consummated in
its invisible totality, which tolerates nothing �outside�, out of which it could look and
break through. The world as it is, is becoming the sole ideology, and human beings, its
inventory. Even therein however dialectical justice reigns: it transpires over the
individuated, the prototype and agent of a particularistic and unfree society. The freedom,
for which it must hope, could not be merely its own, it would have to be that of the
whole. The critique of the individuated leads beyond the category of freedom insofar as
this is created in the image of what is unfreely individuated. The contradiction, that no
freedom of will and thus no morality can be proclaimed for the sphere of the
individuated, while without them not even the life of the species can be preserved, is not
to be settled through the imposition of so-called values. Its heteronomous posited being,
the Nietzschean new commandments, would be the opposite of freedom. It need not
however remain, what it originated from and what it was. Rather what matures in the
innervation of social compulsion in the conscience, along with the resistance against the
social authority, which critically measures this by its own principles, is a potential which
would get rid of compulsion. The critique of the conscience envisions the salvation of
such potential, only not in the psychological realm but in the objectivity of a reconciled
life among the free. If Kantian morality ultimately converges, apparently against its
rigorous claim to autonomy, with the ethics of goods, then what it maintains therein is the
juridical truth of the break, which can be bridged by no conceptual synthesis, between the
social ideal and the subjective one of self-preserving reason. The reproach, that subjective
reason puts on airs as an absolute in the objectivity of moral law, would be subaltern.
Kant expresses, fallibly and distortedly, what ought indeed to be demanded from society.
Such objectivity is not to be translated into the subjective sphere, that of psychology and
that of rationality, but will continue to exist for good and ill separated from it, until the
particular and general interest really and truly concord. The conscience is the mark of
shame of unfree society. The arcanum of his philosophy was necessarily hidden from
Kant: that the subject, in order to be able to constitute objectivity or objectivate itself in
the act, as he entrusted it, must always for its part be something objective. The
transcendental subject, the pure reason which objectively interprets itself, is haunted by
the preponderance of the object, without which, as a moment, even the Kantian
objectivating achievements of the subject would not be. His concept of subjectivity has at
the core apersonal features. Even the personality of the subject, what is immediate to this,
what is nearest, most certain, is something mediated. No ego-consciousness without
society, just as no society is beyond its individuals. The postulates of practical reason,
which transcend the subject, God, freedom, immortality, imply the critique of the
categorical imperative, that of pure subjective reason. Without those postulates it could
not even be thought, however much Kant avers to the contrary; there is nothing good
without hope.
Against Personalism 272-275
The nominalistic tendency entices thought, which may not renounce the protection of
morality in view of the immediate violence breaking out everywhere, to anchor morality
in the person like an indestructible good. Freedom, which would arise solely in the
institution of a free society, is sought there, where the institution of the existing one
denies it, in each individual, who needs it, but does not guarantee it, as they are.
Reflection on society does not occur in ethical personalism any more than that on the
person itself. once this latter is torn completely from the universal, then it is not capable
of constituting anything universal either; it is then drawn in secret from existing forms of
domination. In the pre-fascist era personalism and the twaddle about bonds were hardly
averse to sharing the platform of irrationality. The person, as something absolute, negates
the universality which is supposed to be read out of it, and yields its threadbare legal title
to caprice. Its charisma is borrowed from the irresistibility of the universal, while it,
losing faith in its legitimacy, withdraws into itself in the privation of thought. Its
principle, the unshakeable unity which makes out its selfness defiantly repeats
domination in the subject. The person is the historically tied knot, which is to be loosened
out of freedom, not perpetuated; the old bane of the universal, ensconced in the
particular. Anything moral which is deduced from it remains as accidental as immediate
existence [Existenz]. Otherwise than in Kant�s old-fashioned talk of personality, the
person became a tautology for those, who indeed were left nothing more than the
nonconceptual here-and-now of their existence. The transcendence which many neo-
ontologists hope from the person, exalts solely their consciousness. This latter would
however not be without that universal, which the recourse to the person would like to
exclude as an ethical ground. That is why the concept of the person as well as its variants,
for example the I-you relation, have taken on the oily tone of a theology lacking
credibility. As little as the concept of a right human being can be presumed in advance, so
little would it resemble the person, the sanctified duplicate of its own self-preservation. In
the philosophy of history that concept presupposes the subject objectivated into the
character on the one hand, as assuredly as its disassembly [Zerfall] on the other hand. The
consummated ego-weakness, the transition of the subjects into passive and atomistic,
reflex-based behavior, is at the same time the judgement which the person deserved, in
which the economic principle of appropriation has become anthropological. What could
be thought in human beings as the intelligible character, is not the persona [Personhafte]
in them, but how they distinguish themselves from their existence. In the person this
distinction necessarily appears as what is non-identical. Every human impulse contradicts
the unity of what harbors it; every impulse for the better is not only, in Kantian terms,
reason, but before this also stupidity. Human beings are human only where they do not
act as persons and are not at all posited as such; what is diffuse in nature, in which they
are not persons, resembles the delineation of an intelligible being, that self, which would
be delivered from the ego; contemporary art innervates something of this. The subject is
the lie, because it denies its own objective determinations for the sake of the
unconditionality of its own domination; the subject would be only what detached itself
from such lies, what had thrown off, out of its own power, which it owes to identity, its
shell. The ideological bad state of affairs of the person is immanently criticizable. What is
substantial, which according to that ideology would lend the person their dignity, does
not exist. Human beings are above all, and without exception, not yet themselves. Their
possibility is justifiably to be thought under the concept of the self, and it stands
polemically against the reality of the self. This is not the least reason that the talk of self-
alienation is untenable. It has, in spite of its better Hegelian and Marxist*9* days, or for
their sake, succumbed to apologetics, because it gives us to understand with a fatherly
mien that human beings would have fallen from an existent-in-itself, which it always
was, while they have never been such and thus have nothing to hope from recourse to its
archai [Greek: ancient, old] except submission to authority, precisely what is alien to
them. That this concept no longer figures in the Marxist Capital, is conditioned not only
by the economic thematics of the work but makes philosophical sense. � Negative
dialectics does not halt before the conclusiveness of existence, the solidified selfness of
the ego, any more than before its no less hardened antithesis, the role, which is used by
contemporary subjective sociology as a universal nostrum, as the latest determination of
socialization, analogous to the existence [Existenz] of selfness in many ontologists. The
concept of roles sanctions the topsy-turvy bad depersonalization of today: the unfreedom
which, in the place of the autonomy which was achieved with such toil and was subject to
repeal, steps forwards merely for the sake of complete adjustment, is beneath freedom,
not beyond it. The privation of the division of labor is hypostasized as a virtue. With it
the ego ordains, what society has damned it to, once more to itself. The emancipated ego,
no longer locked up in its identity, would no longer be damned to roles, either. What
would be socially left behind of the division of labor, given radically reduced labor-time,
would lose the horror which forms individual beings through and through. The thingly
hardness of the self and its readiness to be deployed and its availability for socially
desired roles are accomplices. In what is moral, too, identity is not to be negated
abstractly, but is to be valorized in resistance, if it is ever to cross over into its other. The
contemporary state of affairs is destructive: the loss of identity for the sake of abstract
identity, of naked self-preservation.
Depersonalization and Existential ontology 275-277
The double-jointedness of the ego has found its expression in existential ontology. The
recourse to existence just as the draft of authenticity against the �man� transfigure the
idea of the strong, enclosed in itself, �decisive� ego into metaphysics; Being and Time
acted as a manifesto of personalism. In Heidegger�s interpretation of subjectivity as a
mode of being, precedent to thinking, personalism already crossed over into its opposite.
That apersonal expressions like being-there [Dasein: existence] and existence [Existenz]
were chosen for the subject, indicates this linguistically. What returns imperceptibly in
such usage is the idealistic German, state-besotted [staatsfromme] predominance of
identity beyond its own bearer, that of the subject. In depersonalization, in the bourgeois
devaluation of the individual, which is glorified in the same breath, already lies the
difference between subjectivity as the universal principle of the individual ego � in
Schelling�s words, egoity � and the individualized ego itself. The essence of subjectivity
as being-there, thematic in Being and Time, resembles what remains of the person, when
they are no longer a person. The motives for this are not to be censured. What is
commensurable in the universal-conceptual scope of the person, its individual
consciousness, is always also appearance [Schein], imbricated in that transsubjective
objectivity, which according to idealistic as well as ontological doctrine is supposed to be
founded in the pure subject. Whatever the ego is capable of experiencing introspectively
as ego, is also not-ego, unexperienceable by absolute egoity; hence the difficulty noted by
Schopenhauer, of its becoming conscious of itself. The ultimate is no ultimate. The
objective turn of Hegel�s absolute idealism, the equivalent of absolute subjectivity, does
justice to this. The more thoroughly however the individual loses what was once called
its self-consciousness, the more depersonalization increases. That in Heidegger death
became the essence of existence [Dasein], codifies the nullity of being, which is merely
for itself.*10* The sinister decision in favor of depersonalization however bows
regressively to a doom, felt as inescapable, instead of pointing beyond the person through
the idea, that it might achieve what is its own. Heidegger�s apersonality is linguistically
instituted; won too easily, by the mere leaving out of what makes the subject alone the
subject. He thinks past the knot of the subject. The perspective of depersonalization
would not be opened by the abstract evaporation of existence into its pure possibility but
solely by the analysis of the existing innerworldly subject existing there. Heidegger�s
analysis of existence holds off from it; that is why his apersonal existentialia can be so
easily attached to persons. The micro-analysis of the latter is unbearable to authoritarian
thinking: in selfness it would strike the principle of all domination. By contrast existence
generally, as something apersonal, is unhesitatingly treated as if it were something
beyond human beings and nevertheless human. In fact the total constitution of living
human beings as their functional context, which objectively precedes them all, moves
towards the apersonal in the sense of anonymity. Heidegger�s language bemoans this as
much as it affirmatively reflects that matter-at-hand as suprapersonal. only the insight
into what is thingly in the person itself would overtake the horror of depersonalization, in
the limitations of the egoity, which were commanded by the equality of the self with self-
preservation. In Heidegger ontological apersonality always remains the ontologization of
the person, without reaching this latter. The cognition of what consciousness became,
under the sacrifice of its living aspect, has a reciprocal power: egoity has always been so
thingly. In the core of the subject dwell objective conditions, which it must deny for the
sake of the unconditionality of its domination and which are its own. The subject ought to
get rid of these. The prerequisite of its identity is the end of the identity-compulsion. In
existential ontology this appears only distortedly. Nothing however is intellectually
relevant any longer, which does not press into the zone of depersonalization and its
dialectic; schizophrenia is the truth in the philosophy of history about the subject. In
Heidegger that zone, which he touches, turns unnoticed into a parable of the administered
world, and complementarily into the despairing rigidified determination of subjectivity.
Solely its critique would find its object, which he, under the name of destruction, reserves
to the history of philosophy. The anti-metaphysical Freud�s doctrine of the id is closer to
the metaphysical critique of the subject than Heidegger�s metaphysics, which wishes to
be none. If the role, the heteronomy ordained by autonomy, is the most recent objective
form of the unhappy consciousness, then conversely there is no happiness, except where
the self is not itself. If, under the unbearable pressure which weighs on it, it falls
schizophrenically back into the condition of dissociation and ambiguity, which the
subject historically escaped from, then the dissolution of the subject is at the same time
the ephemeral and condemned picture of a possible subject. once its freedom
commanded mythos to halt, then it would emancipate itself, as from the ultimate mythos,
from itself. Utopia would be the non-identity of the subject without sacrifice.
The Universal and Individual in Moral Philosophy 277-281
The Kantian zeal against psychology expresses, besides fear of once more losing the
scraps of the mundus intelligibilis [Latin: intelligible world], achieved so laboriously,
also the authentic insight, that the moral categories of the individuated are more than only
individual. What becomes evident in them, in keeping with the model of the Kantian
concept of law, as what is universal, is secretly something social. Not the slightest of the
functions of the admittedly enigmatic concept of humanity in the Critique of Practical
Reason is that pure reason would count as universal for all rational beings: a point of
indifference of Kant�s philosophy. If the concept of the universality in the diversity of
subjects was won and then becomes autonomous in the logical objectivity of reason, into
which all individual subjects and superficially even subjectivity disappear as such, then
Kant, on the narrow ridge between logical absolutism and empirical validity, would like
to go back to that existent, which the system�s logic of consistency previously banished.
Anti-psychological moral philosophy converges therein with later psychological findings.
By unveiling the superego as an innervated social norm, psychology breaks through its
monadological limitations. These are for their part socially produced. The conscience
draws its objectivity in relation to human beings out of that of society, in which and
through which they live and which reaches all the way into the core of their
individuation. The antagonistic moments are indistinguishably interwoven in such
objectivity: the heteronomous compulsion and the idea of a solidarity, which surpasses
divergent individual interests. What in the conscience reproduces the tenaciously
persisting, repressive bad state of affairs of society, is the opposite of freedom and to be
disenchanted through the proof of its own determination. By contrast the universal norm,
which is unconsciously appropriated by the conscience, attests to that which points
beyond the particularity in society as the principle of its totals. This is its moment of
truth. The question of the right and wrong of the conscience admits to no conclusive
reply, because right and wrong dwells within it and no abstract judgement could separate
them: only in its repressive form does the solidaristic one form, which sublates the
former. It is essential to moral philosophy that the individuated and society are neither
separated by a simple difference, nor reconciled. What is bad in the universality has
declared itself in the socially unfulfilled claim of the individuated. This is the
supraindividual truth-content of the critique of morality. But the individuated which, at
fault due to privation, turns into the ultimate and absolute, degenerates thereby for its part
into the appearance [Schein] of the individualistic society, and mistakes itself; Hegel
once more discerned this, and indeed most acutely where he gave impetus to the
reactionary misuse of such. The society, which does injustice to the individuated in its
universal claim, also does justice to it, insofar as the social principle of unreflected self-
maintenance, itself the bad universal, is hypostasized in what is individuated. Society
metes it out, measure for measure. The sentence of the late Kant, that the freedom of
every human being must be restricted only insofar as it impinges on the freedom of
another,*11* is the cipher of a reconciled condition, which would be not only beyond the
bad universal, the mechanism of compulsion, but also beyond the obdurate individuated,
in which that mechanism of compulsion repeats itself microcosmically. The question of
freedom demands no yes or no but theory, which raises itself above the existing society
as well as above the existing individuality. Instead of sanctioning the innervated and
hardened authority of the superego, it carries out the dialectic of the individual being and
species. The rigorism of the superego is solely the reflex of the fact that the antagonistic
condition prevents this. The subject would only be emancipated as reconciled with the
not-ego, and thereby also beyond freedom, insofar as this latter is in league with its
counterpart, repression. How much aggression hitherto lies in freedom, becomes visible
whenever human beings act as if they are free in the midst of the universal unfreedom. So
little however would the individuated frantically protect the old particularity in a state of
freedom � individuality is as much the product of pressure as the power-center, which
resists it � so little would that condition be compatible with the contemporary concept of
the collective. That in the countries which today monopolize the name of socialism, an
immediate collectivism is commanded as the subordination of the individual to society,
gives the lie to their socialism and reinforces the antagonism. The weakness of the ego
through a socialized society, which unremittingly drives human beings together and,
literally and figuratively, makes them incapable of being alone, manifests itself in the
complaints about isolation no less than in the truly unbearable coldness which spreads
everywhere along with the expanding exchange-relationship, and which is merely
prolonged by the authoritarian and ruthless regimentation of the alleged peoples�
democracies against the needs of their subjects. That a union of free human beings would
have to continually gang themselves up, belongs in the conceptual realm of maneuvers,
of marching, flag-waving, orations of leaders. They thrive only so long as society
irrationally wishes to cobble together its compulsory members; objectively they are not
needed. Collectivism and individualism complete one another in what is false.
Speculative historical philosophy since Fichte protested against both, in the doctrine of
the condition of consummated sinfulness, later in that of lost meaning. Modernity is
equated with a deformed world, while Rousseau, the initiator of retrospective hostility
towards one�s own time, set it alight on the last of the great styles: what spurred his
revulsion was too much form, the denaturalization of society. The time has come to
dismiss the imago of the meaningless world, which degenerated from a cipher of longing
to the slogan of those who fetishize order. Nowhere on earth is contemporary society, as
its scientific apologists vouchsafe, �open�; nowhere deformed, either. The belief that it
would be so, originated in the devastation of the cities and landscapes by planlessly self-
expanding industry, in a lack of rationality, not its oversupply. Whoever traces back
deformation to metaphysical processes instead of relationships of material production,
virtually delivers ideologies. With their change, the picture of violence could be softened,
which the world presents to the human beings who do violence to it. That supraindividual
bonds disappeared � they by no means disappeared � would indeed not itself be bad; the
truly emancipated works of art of the twentieth century are no worse than those, which
thrived in the styles which modernity discarded with reason. The experience inverts itself
as if in a mirror, that according to the state of consciousness and of the material
productive forces, it is expected that human beings would be free, that they also expect it
themselves, and that they are not so, while nevertheless no model of thinking, behavior
and, in that most denigrating of terms, �value�, is left in the state of their radical
unfreedom, as those who are unfree desire it. The lament over the lack of bonds has a
constitution of society for its substance, which simulates freedom, without realizing such.
Freedom exists only, dimly enough, in the superstructure; its perennial failure deflects the
longing towards unfreedom. Probably the question of the meaning of existence in its
entirety is the expression of that discrepancy.
on the Condition of Freedom 281-283
The horizon of a condition of freedom, which would need no repression and no morality,
because the drive would no longer have to express itself destructively, is veiled in gloom.
Moral questions are stringent not in their dreadful parody, sexual repression, but in
sentences like: torture ought to be abolished; concentration camps ought not to exist,
while all this continues in Africa and Asia and is only repressed because civilized
humanity is as inhuman as ever against those which it shamelessly brands as uncivilized.
If a moral philosopher seized these lines and exulted, at having finally caught up with the
critics of morality � in that these, too, cite the values comfortably proclaimed by moral
philosophers � then the definitive conclusion would be false. The sentences are true as
impulse, when they register, that somewhere torture is occurring. They may not be
rationalized; as an abstract principle they would end up immediately in the bad infinity of
their derivation and validity. The critique of morality is applicable to the transposition of
the logic of consistency onto the behavior of human beings; that is where the stringent
logic of consistency becomes the organ of unfreedom. The impulse, the naked physical
fear and the feeling of solidarity with, in Brecht�s words, tormentable bodies, which is
immanent to moral behavior, would be denied by attempts at ruthless rationalization;
what is most urgent would once more become contemplative, the mockery of its own
urgency. The distinction of theory and praxis involves theoretically, that praxis can no
more be purely reduced to theory than ch�ris [Greek: separately] from it. Both are not to
be glued together into a synthesis. That which is undivided lives solely in the extremes, in
the spontaneous impulse which, impatient with the argument, does not wish to permit the
horror to continue, and in the theoretical consciousness unterrorized by any functionary,
which discerns why it nonetheless goes unforeseeably on. This contradiction alone is, in
sight of the real powerlessness of all individuals, the staging-grounds of morality today.
The consciousness will react spontaneously, to the extent it cognizes what is bad, without
satisfying itself with the cognition. The incompatibility of every general moral judgement
with the psychological determination, which nevertheless does not dispense with the
judgement, that something would be evil, does not originate in thinking�s lack of logical
consistency, but in the objective antagonism. Fritz Bauer has noted that the same types
who call for clemency for the torturers of Auschwitz with a hundred lazy arguments, are
friends of the reintroduction of the death penalty. The newest state of moral dialectics is
concentrated therein: clemency would be naked injustice, the justified atonement would
be infected by the principle of brute force, while humanity consists solely of resisting this
last. Benjamin�s remark, that the execution of the death penalty might be moral, but never
its legitimation, prophesized this dialectic. If the ones in charge of the torture including
their chief assistants had been immediately shot, it would have been more moral, than
putting a few on trial. The fact that they succeeded in fleeing, hiding for twenty years,
qualitatively transforms the justice which was missed at that time. As soon as a juridical
machine has to be mobilized with court procedure, black robes and understanding
defense lawyers, justice, which in any case is capable of no sanction which would fit the
atrocities committed, is already false, compromised by the same principle according to
which the murderers once acted. The Fascists are clever enough, to exploit such objective
insanity with their devilishly insane reason. The historical grounds of the aporia is that
the revolution against the Fascists failed in Germany, or rather that in 1944 there was no
revolutionary mass movement. The contradiction of teaching empirical determinism and
nevertheless condemning the normal monsters � according to the former, perhaps one
should let them loose � is not to be settled by any supraordinated logic. Theoretically
reflected justice may not shy away from this. If it does not help this to become aware of
itself, then it encourages, as politics, the continuation of the methods of torture, which in
any case the collective unconscious hopes for and for whose rationalization this latter lies
in wait; this much in any case is true of the theory of deterrence. In the confessed breach
between a reason of law, which for the last time does the guilty the honor of a freedom
which they do not deserve, and the insight into their real unfreedom, the critique of
consistency-logical identity-thinking becomes moral.
Intelligible Character in Kant 283-287
Kant mediates between existence and the moral law through the construction of the
intelligible character. It leans on the thesis, �the moral law proves its reality�53 � as if
what is given, what is there, would thereby be legitimated. When Kant talks of this, �that
the determining ground of that causality can also be assumed outside of the world of the
senses in freedom as the characteristic of an intelligible being�,54 then the intelligible
being turns, through the concept of the characteristic, into something which is positively
conceived in the life of the individuated, something �real�. This however is, within of the
axiomatic of non-contradictoriness, contrary to the doctrine of what is intelligible as
something beyond the world of the senses. Kant immediately and unabashedly recalls:
�By contrast the moral good is something suprasensible in relation to the object, for
which therefore no sensory intuition of something corresponding to it� � most certainly
therefore no �characteristic� � �can be found, and the power of judgement under laws of
the pure practical reason seems thus to be subjected to especial difficulties, which rest on
the fact that a law of freedom is supposed to be applied to acts as events, which occur in
the world of the senses and to this extent belong to nature.�55 In the spirit of the critique
of reason, the passage is directed not only against the ontology of good and evil,
stringently criticized in the Critique of Practical Reason, as of goods which exist in
themselves, but also against the subjective capacity ascribed to them, which, removed
from the phenomena, would vouchsafe to that ontology a character of simply and purely
supernatural essence. If in order to save freedom Kant introduces the utterly exposed
doctrine of the intelligible character, which shrank from all experience and which
nevertheless was conceived as the mediation to the empirical, then one of the strongest
motives for this, objectively speaking, was the fact that the will is not disclosed as an
existent from the phenomena, nor can it be defined by its conceptual synthesis, but would
have to be presupposed as its condition, with the defects of a na�ve realism of inwardness,
which he, in other hypostases of what is psychological, destroyed in the paralogism
chapter. The proof, that character would neither be exhausted in nature nor absolutely
transcendent to it, as its concept by the way dialectically implies, is supposed to take care
of the precarious mediation. Motivations however have their psychological moment,
without which no such mediation would be, while those of the human will, according to
Kant, can �never be anything other than the moral law�.56 This is what the antinomy
prescribes for every possible answer. It is bluntly worked out by Kant: �For how a law
could be for itself and the immediate ground of determination of the will (which is
nonetheless what is essential in all morality), this is an insoluble problem for human
reason and as one with: how a free will would be possible. Thus we will not have to show
a priori the grounds, of why the moral law would in itself constitute a mainspring, but
what, insofar as it is such a one, it effects in the mind (put even better, must effect).�57
Kant�s speculation falls silent where it should start, and resigns itself to a mere
description of immanent effect-contexts, which, had he not been overwhelmed by his
intention, he would scarcely have hesitated to call a mirage: something empirical worms
itself into supraempirical authority through the power of the affection, which it exerts. An
�intelligible existence [Existenz]�,58 of an existence without time, which according to
Kant aids in constituting what is in the existent, is dealt with without fear of the
contradictio in adjecto [Latin: added contradiction], without articulating it dialectically,
indeed without saying what exactly might be thought under that existence. The furthest
he dares to go is the discussion �of the spontaneity of the subject as a thing in itself�.59
According to the critique of reason, this could no more be spoken of positively than the
transcendental causes of the phenomena of external senses, while without the intelligible
character, the moral act in what is empirical, the effect on this � and thereby morality �
would be impossible. He must toil desperately, for what the basic outline of the system
prevents. What comes to his assistance is the fact that reason is capable of intervening
against the causal automatism of physical as well as psychic nature, of producing a new
nexus. If he permits himself to think what, in the explicated moral philosophy, is no
longer the intelligible realm, secularized into pure practical reason, as absolutely
divergent, then this is, in view of that observable influx of reason, by no means the
miracle it would seem to be according to the abstract relationship of the Kantian founding
theses to each other. That reason would be something other than nature and yet would be
a moment of this latter, is its prehistory, which has become its immanent determination. It
is nature-like as psychic power, branched-off for the ends of self-preservation; once split
off and contrasted to nature, however, it turns into its Other. Ephemerally escaping this
latter, reason is identical with nature and non-identical, dialectical according to its own
concept. The more ruthlessly however reason makes itself into the absolute opposite of
nature in that dialectic and forgets itself in this, the more it regresses, as self-preservation
run wild, to nature; solely as its reflection would reason be supranature. No interpretive
guile [Kunst] is capable of removing the immanent contradictions of the determinations
of the intelligible character. Kant is silent over how for its own part it would have an
influence on what is empirical; whether it is supposed to be nothing but the pure act of its
positing or to continue on next to that, however jury-rigged this sounds, but which is not
without plausibility for self-experience. He contents himself with the description of how
that influence appears in what is empirical. If the intelligible character is conceived
entirely as ch�ris [Greek: separately], which the word suggests, then it is as impossible to
speak of it as of the thing in itself, which Kant, cryptically enough, equated to the
intelligible character in an utterly formal analogy, not even explaining whether �a� thing
in itself, one in each person, would be the unknown cause of the phenomena of the inner
senses or, as Kant occasionally put it, �the� thing in itself, identical with all, Fichte�s
absolute I. By having an effect, such a radically divided subject would become a moment
of the phenomenal world and would succumb to its determinations, therefore to causality.
Kant, the traditional logician, ought never to have accepted that the same concept is
subject to causality as much as it is not subject.*12* If the intelligible character were no
longer ch�ris [Greek: separately], then it would no longer be intelligible but, in the sense
of the Kantian dualism, contaminated by the mundus sensibilis [Latin: sensible world]
and would be no less self-contradictory. Where Kant feels obliged to explicate the
doctrine of the intelligible character more closely, he must on the one hand ground it in
an action in time, on that which is empirical, which it is simply not supposed to be; on the
other hand, neglecting the psychology, with which he embroils himself: �There are cases,
where human beings from childhood onwards, even under an education, which was of an
advantageous nature to others of the sort, nevertheless show such malignity early on and
proceed to increase it into their mature years, that one considers them born evil-doers and
completely incorrigible in the mode of their thinking, nevertheless because their actions
and omissions are so judged, that the guilt of their crimes is proven, indeed they (the
children) themselves find this proof so thoroughly founded, as if they, regardless of the
hopeless natural constitution of their apportioned inner character, remained just as
responsible, as any other human being. This could not happen, if we did not presuppose
that everything which originates from its arbitrariness (as every intentionally perpetrated
act undoubtedly does), would have a free causality for its grounds, which expresses its
character in its appearances (the acts) from early youth onwards, which because of the
uniformity of conduct indicates a natural context, which however does not make the ill-
starred constitution of the will necessary, but rather the consequence of the free-willed
acceptance of evil and unchangeable principles, which only make them that much more
reprehensible and worthy of punishment.�60 It does not occur to Kant, that the moral
verdict might err over psychopaths. The allegedly free causality is relocated into early
childhood, entirely fitting by the way to the genesis of the superego. It is ludicrous
however that �babies� [in English], whose reason is only just forming, are attested that
autonomy, which is attached to the fully developed reason. By backdating the moral
responsibility of the individual act of the adult to its earliest, dawning prehistory, an
unmoral pedagogic sentence of punishment is meted out to those who are not yet grown
up in the name of adulthood. The processes, which decide in the first years of life over
the formation of the ego and superego or, as in the Kantian paradigm, over their failure,
can evidently neither be a priorized for the sake of their ancientness, nor can their
extremely empirical content be ascribed that purity, which Kant�s doctrine of the moral
law demands. In his enthusiasm for the necessity of punishing childhood criminals, he
leaves the intelligible realm solely in order to raise mischief in the empirical one.
The Intelligible and the Unity of Consciousness 287-292
What Kant thought in the concept of the intelligible character, is despite the ascetic
reticence of his theory not beyond all conjecture: the unity of the person, the equivalent
of the epistemological unity of the self-consciousness. Behind the scenes of the Kantian
system, it is expected that the highest concept of practical philosophy would coincide
with the highest one of the theoretical kind, the ego-principle, which theoretically
produces the unity as well as practically restraining and integrating the drives. The unity
of the person is the location of the doctrine of the intelligible. According to the
architecture of the form-content dualism endemic to Kant it counts as a form: the
principle of particularization is, in an involuntary dialectic which was first explicated by
Hegel, something universal. For the honor of universality, Kant distinguishes
terminologically between the personality and the person. The former would be �the
freedom and independence of the mechanism of all of nature, yet simultaneously
considered as a capacity of a being whose peculiar, pure practical laws, given from its
own reason, the person therefore, is in thrall to the world of the senses, is subject to its
own personality, insofar as it belongs at the same time to the intelligible world.�61 In
personality [Persoenlichkeit], the subject as pure reason, indicated by the suffix �-ity�
[�-keit�, the German equivalent of the English suffix �-ness�] as the index of a
conceptual generality, the person, the subject, is supposed to be subordinated as an
empirical, natural individual being. What Kant meant by the intelligible character might
come very close to the personality in an older usage of speech, which �belongs to the
intelligible world�. The unity of self-consciousness genetically presupposes not only the
psychological-factical contents of consciousness, but its own pure possibility; indicating
a zone of indifference of pure reason and spatio-temporal experience. Hume�s critique of
the I glosses over the fact that the facts of consciousness would not be available, without
being determined inside of an individual consciousness, rather than in some other thing
chosen at random. Kant corrects him, but neglects however for his part the reciprocity:
his critique of Hume is personality rigidified into a principle beyond individual persons,
into their framework. He grasps the unity of consciousness independent of every
experience. Such independence exists to some degree in relation to the variable
individual facts of consciousness, not however radically against all existing being of
factual contents of consciousness. Kant�s Platonism � in the Phaedo the soul was
something similar to an idea � epistemologically repeats the eminently bourgeois
affirmation of personal unity in itself at the expense of its content, which under the name
of personality ultimately left behind nothing but the strongman. The formal achievement
of integration, by no means a priori formal but substantive, the sedimented exploitation of
inner nature, usurps the rank of the good. The more a personality would be, it is
suggested, the better it would be, heedless of the dubiousness of the being-of-one-self.
The great novels of the eighteenth century intuited this. Fielding�s Tom Jones, the orphan
child, someone who was a �compulsive character� in the psychological sense, stood for
the human being unmutilated by convention and becomes at the same time comical. The
latest echo of this is the rhinoceros of Ionesco: the only one, who resists bestial
standardization and to this extent preserves a strong ego, is an alcoholic and a
professional failure, not strong at all according to the verdict of life. In spite of the
example of the radically evil little child, one ought to ask, as to whether an evil
intelligible character is even conceivable for Kant; as to whether he seeks evil in the fact
that the formal unity fails. Where there is no unity at all, one could probably no more
speak of good than among animals, nor of evil either; he may have conceived of the
intelligible character as closest to the strong I, which can rationally control all its
impulses, as was taught in the entire tradition of modern rationalism, especially by
Spinoza and Leibniz, who were in agreement at least on this point.*13* Great philosophy
hardens itself against the idea of a humanity which is not modeled after the reality-
principle, not hardened in itself. This gives Kant the thought-strategical advantage, of
being able to carry out the thesis of freedom parallel to consistent causality. For the unity
of the person is not merely the formal a priori, which appears in the Kantian system, but
against his will, and for the benefit of his demonstrandum [Latin: what is demonstrated],
the moment of all individual contents of the subject. Each of its impulses is �its� impulse
just as much as the subject is the totality of impulses, and thus their qualitative Other. In
the utterly formal region of self-consciousness both melt together. From it one can
predicate, without distinction, what is not exhausted in each other: the factical content
and the mediation, the principle of its context. The matter-at-hand, tabooed according to
the traditional-logical manner of argumentation, but all the more really dialectical for
that, is vindicated in the indifference-concept of personality through the most extreme
abstraction, by the fact that in the antagonistic world the individual subjects are also
antagonistic in themselves, free and unfree. In the night of indifference, the palest ray of
light falls on freedom as personality in itself, a Protestant inwardness, removed even from
itself. The subject is justified, in Schiller�s pithy saying, by what it is, not by what it does,
just as the Lutherans once were by faith, not by works. The involuntary irrationality of
the Kantian intelligible character, its indeterminacy, which is mandated by the system,
tacitly secularizes the explicitly theological doctrine of the irrationality of election by
grace. This latter was admittedly conserved in advancing enlightenment, always more
oppressively. If God was once pushed by the Kantian ethics into the as it were provident
[dienende: serving, providing] role of the postulate of practical reason � this too is
anticipated in Leibniz and even Descartes � then it is difficult to conceive of something
under the intelligible character, irrationally existent-as-such, as anything else except the
same blind fate, against which the idea of freedom took exception. The concept of
character always oscillated between nature and freedom.62 The more ruthlessly the
absolute being-so of the subject is equated with its subjectivity, the more impenetrable its
concept. What formerly seemed to be the election by grace of divine counsel, can
scarcely be thought anymore as one by objective reason, which nevertheless would have
to appeal to the subjective one. The pure being-in-itself of human beings, excluding every
empirical content, which is sought in nothing but its own rationality, does not permit
rational judgement about why it succeeded here, and failed there. The authority however
to which the intelligible character is attached, pure reason, is itself something becoming
and to this extent also something conditional, not anything absolutely conditioning. That
it posits itself outside of time as what is absolute � an anticipation of the same Fichte,
with whom Kant was feuding � is far more irrational than any creation doctrine. This
rendered an essential contribution to the alliance between the idea of freedom and real
unfreedom. Irreducibly existent, the intelligible character duplicates itself in the concept
of that second nature, as which society stamps the characters of all of its members
anyway. If one translated Kant�s ethics into judgements over real human beings, its only
criterion is: how someone would now once be, therefore their unfreedom. Schiller�s pithy
saying certainly wished primarily to announce the revulsion evoked by the subjugation of
all human relationships under the exchange-principle, the evaluation of one act against
another. Kantian moral philosophy registers the same motif in the opposition of dignity
and price. In the right society however the exchange would not only be abolished but
fulfilled: noone would be shortchanged of the yield of their labor. As little as the isolated
act can be weighed, so little is there something good which is not expressed in acts.
Absolute reflection, exclusive of any specific intervention, would degenerate into
absolute indifference, into what is inhuman. Both Kant and Schiller objectively
anticipated the loathsome concept of a free-floating nobility, which self-appointed elites
could later attest to at will as their selfsame characteristic. In the Kantian moral
philosophy lurks a tendency towards its sabotage. In it the totality becomes
indistinguishable from the preestablished status of the elect. That the right or wrong of an
act is no longer to be casuistically asked, also has its sinister moment: the competency of
judgement crosses over into the compulsions of empirical society, which the Kantian
agathon [Greek: the good] wished to transcend. The categories noble and mean are, like
all doctrines of bourgeois freedom, ingrown with familial and natural relationships. In
late bourgeois society their natural-rootedness breaks through once again, as biologism
and finally race-theory. The reconciliation of morality and nature envisioned by the
philosophizing Schiller, against Kant and secretly in unison with him, is not at all as
human and innocent in the existent, as it gives itself to know. Nature, once outfitted with
meaning, is substituted in place of that possibility, which the construction of the
intelligible character was aimed at. In Goethe�s kalokagathia [Greek: noble character,
goodness] the ultimately homicidal recoil is unmistakable. Already a letter of Kant,
concerning his portrait by a Jewish painter, made use of a despicable anti-Semitic thesis,
later popularized by the Nazi Paul Schultze-Naumburg.*14* Freedom is really and truly
restricted by society, not only from outside but in itself. As soon as it is utilized, it
multiplies unfreedom; the placeholder of what is better is always also the accomplice of
what is worse. Even where human beings feel themselves to be most free from society, in
the strength of their ego, they are at the same time its agents: the ego-principle is
implanted in them by society, and the latter honors it, although restraining it. Kant�s
ethics is not yet aware of this awkwardness, or posits itself as beyond such.
Truth-content of the Doctrine of the Intelligible 292-294
If one dared to wager as to what the Kantian X of the intelligible character owes its true
content, which maintained itself against the total indeterminacy of the aporetic concept, it
would probably be the historically most advanced, periodically flaring, swiftly fading
consciousness, which is inherent in the impulse to do the right thing. It is the concrete,
intermittent anticipation of the possibility, neither alien to human beings nor identical
with them. They are not only the substrates of psychology. For they are not exhausted by
the concretized exploitation of nature, which has become autonomous, which they
projected back on themselves from external nature. They are things in themselves, insofar
as the things are only something artificially made by them; to this extent the world of
phenomena is truly an appearance [Schein]. The pure will of the Kantian Foundation is
for that reason not so different from the intelligible character. The verse of Karl Kraus,
�What has the world made of us� ponders ruefully on it; it is falsified by anyone who
imagines they possess it. It breaks through negatively in the pain of the subject, that all
human beings, in what they became, in their reality, are mutilated. What would be
different, the no longer inverted essence, rejects a language which bears the stigmata of
the existent: theology spoke once of mystical names. However the separation of the
intelligible from the empirical character is experienced in the eons-old block, which
slides that which is supplementary before the pure will: external considerations of all
conceivable kinds, the many times over subaltern, irrational interests of subjects of the
false society; in general the principle of the particular self-interest, which prescribes to
everything individuated without exception its actions in the society, as it is, and which is
the death of all. The block prolongs itself from within, in the narrow-minded egoistic
cravings, then in neuroses. These absorb, as everyone knows, an immeasurable quantum
of available human power and prevent, on the line of least resistance, with the cunning of
the unconscious, that which is right, which irrefutably contradicts biased self-
preservation. Therein the neuroses have it so much the easier, can rationalize themselves
so much the better, as the self-preserving principle in a state of freedom would come to
that which is its own just as much as the interests of others, which damages it a priori.
Neuroses are the pillars of society; they frustrate the better possibilities of human beings
and thereby what is objectively better, which might be brought about by humanity. They
tendentially dam up the instincts, which press beyond the false condition, into narcissism,
which satisfies itself in the false condition. This is a hinge in the mechanism of evil:
weaknesses, which are mistaken if possible for strengths. In the end the intelligible
character would be the crippled rational will. What by contrast would count in it as the
higher, the more sublime, what is not ruined by what is inferior, is essentially its own
neediness, the inability to transform what is humiliating: failure, stylized as an end in
itself. Nevertheless there is nothing better amongst human beings than that character; the
possibility of being different from what one is, even though all are locked up in their self
and thereby locked away even from their self. The glaring flaw of the Kantian doctrine,
that which is elusive or abstract in the intelligible character, also has a touch of the truth
of the ban on the graven image, which post-Kantian philosophy, Marx included, extended
to all concepts of what is positive. As the possibility of the subject, the intelligible
character is, like freedom, something becoming, not anything existent. It would be
betrayed, the moment it was incorporated into the existent by description, even by the
most cautious one. In the right condition everything would be, as in the Jewish
theologoumenon [Greek: theology], only the tiniest bit different than what it is, but not
the slightest thing can be imagined, as how it would then be. In spite of this the
intelligible character can be spoken of only to the extent it does not hover abstractly and
powerlessly over the existent, but really keeps arising in the guilty context of such, and is
realized by this latter. The contradiction of freedom and determinism is not, as the self-
understanding of the critique of reason would like, one between the theoretical positions
of dogmatism and skepticism, but one of the self-experience of the subject, now free,
now unfree. Under the aspect of freedom they are non-identical with themselves, because
the subject is hardly one yet, and indeed precisely by virtue of its instauration as a
subject: the self is what is inhuman. Freedom and the intelligible character are related to
identity and non-identity, without clare et distincte [Latin: clearly and distinctly] allowing
themselves to be entered on one side of the ledger or another. The subjects are free,
according to the Kantian model, to the extent that they are conscious of themselves,
identical with themselves; and in such identity also again unfree, insofar as they are
subject to its compulsion and perpetuate it. They are unfree as non-identical, as diffuse
nature, and yet as such free, because in the impulses, which overpower them � the non-
identity of the subject with itself is nothing else � they are also rid of the compulsory
character of identity. Personality is the caricature of freedom. The ground of the aporia is
that the truth beyond the identity-compulsion would not be purely and simply its Other,
but is mediated through it. All individuals are in the socialized society incapable of what
is moral, which is socially demanded, but which would be real only in an emancipated
society. Social morality would be solely, to finally bring the bad infinity, the dreadful
cycle of retribution, to an end. The individual meanwhile is left with nothing more of
what is moral, than what Kant�s moral theory, which conceded inclination to animals, but
not respect,63 has only contempt for: to attempt to live so, that one may believe to have
been a good animal.
Footnotes
*1* [Footnote pg 225]
The Kantian thought-experiments are not dissimilar to existential ethics. Kant, who well
knew that good will had its medium in the continuity of a life and not in the isolated
deed, sharpens good will to a decision between two alternatives in the experiment, so that
it should prove what it ought to. This continuity hardly exists anymore; this is why Sartre
clings steadfastly to the decision, in a kind of regression to the 18th century. Yet while
autonomy is supposed to be demonstrated in the alternative situations, it is heteronomous
before all content. Kant had to provide a despot for one of his examples of the situation of
decision; analogously, the Sartrean ones stem many times over from fascism, true as the
denunciation of the latter, not as a condition humaine [French: human condition]. only
those who would not have to accept any alternatives at all would be free, and in the
existent it is a trace of freedom, to reject them. Freedom means the critique and
transformation of situations, not their confirmation by a decision reached within their
compulsory apparatus. When Brecht, following a discussion with students, permitted the
collectivistic teaching-play of the Yes-man to be followed by the deviating Nay-sayer, he
helped this insight to break through in spite of his official credo.
*2* [Footnote pg 227]
The �conception of certain laws� amounts to the concept of pure reason, which indeed
Kant defines as �the capacity of cognizing out of principles.�
*3* [Footnote pg 236]
�By a concept of practical reason, I understand the conception of an object as a possible
effect through freedom. To be an object of practical cognition as such, means therefore
only the relation of the will to the action, by which it or its opposite would be really
made, and the judgement, as to whether something would be an object of pure practical
reason or not, is merely the distinction between the possibility or impossibility of willing
the action in question, whereby, if we had the capacity for this (which must be judged by
experience), a certain object would come to be.� (Kant, Critique of Practical Reason,
WW V, Academy-Edition, pg 57).
*4* [Footnote pg 238]
�For that which necessarily drives us to go beyond the borders of experience and all
appearances, is what is unconditional, which reason necessarily and with every right
demands in the things in themselves to everything which is conditioned and thereby fully
achieves the sequence of conditions. If it turns out now, if one assumes, our cognition of
experience directing itself according to the objects as things in themselves, that the
unconditional could not at all be thought without contradiction; on the other hand, if one
assumes, our conception of things, as they are given to us, direct themselves not
according to these as things in themselves, but that these objects direct themselves rather
as appearances according to our manner of conception, the contradiction falls away; and
that consequently the unconditional ought to be met not in things, insofar as we know
them (as they are given to us), but rather in them, insofar as we do not know them, as
things in themselves: thus demonstrating, that what we at the beginning only tentatively
assumed, would be grounded.� (Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, WWW III, Academy
Edition, pg. 13)
*5* [Footnote pg 246]
�Hegel was the first, who correctly portrayed the relationship of freedom and necessity.
For him freedom is the insight into necessity. �Necessity is blind only insofar as the
selfsame is not understood.� Freedom does not lie in the dreamed-of independence from
natural laws, but in the cognition of these laws, and in the possibility given thereby, of
causing them to act in a planned fashion for determinate ends. This applies as much in
relation to the laws of external nature, as to those which regulate the bodily and
intellectual existence of human beings � two classes of laws, which we could separate
from each other at most in the imagination, but not in reality. The freedom of the will
means therefore nothing other than the capacity, to be able to decide with relevant
knowledge [Sachkenntnis]. The freer therefore the judgement of a human being in
relation to a certain standpoint, the greater the necessity by which the content of this
judgement is determined; while the uncertainty which rests on ignorance, which seems to
arbitrarily choose between many various and contradictory possibilities of decision,
exactly thereby proves its unfreedom, its mastery by the objects, which it is supposed to
master. Freedom consists therefore in the cognition of the domination, founded in natural
necessities, over ourselves and over external nature; it is thereby necessarily a product of
historical development.� (Karl Marx/Frederick Engels, Works, Berlin 1962, Vol. 20, Pg.
106)
*6* [Footnote pg 251]
�This now makes clear, that the schematism of understanding through the transcendental
synthesis of the power of imagination, would amount to nothing other than the unity of
everything which is diverse of the intuition in the inner sense and thus indirectly to the
unity of the apperception as a function, to which the inner sense (of a receptivity)
corresponds. Therefore the schemata of pure concepts of understanding are the true and
sole conditions for providing these with a relation to objects, hence a meaning, and the
categories have thus in the end no other possible empirical use, than in thereby serving,
through grounds of an a priori necessary unity (due to the necessary unification of
everything conscious in an originary apperception), to submit the appearances to the
universal rules of the synthesis and thereby to fit them to thorough-going interlinking in
an experience.� (Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, ibid. Pg 138)
*7* [Footnote page 257]
In keeping with the tenor of the Critique of Pure Reason, the opposite intention can still
be found there: �The more that legislation and government were arranged in accordance
with this idea, the more seldom in any case would punishment become, and thus it is then
entirely rational (as Plato maintained) that in a perfected arrangement of the former
nothing of the latter would be necessary.� (Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, ibid. pg 248)
*8* [Footnote pg 268]
�In the judgement of free acts in view of its causality, we can therefore come only to the
intelligible cause, but not beyond the same; we can recognize, that it is free, i.e. is
determined independent of the senses, and in such a manner could be the sensorily
unconditional condition of appearances. Why however the intelligible character would
yield exactly these appearances and this empirical character under existing
circumstances, this goes far beyond all capacity of our reason to answer, indeed beyond
all capacity of the same even to ask, as if one were asking: why does the transcendental
object of our external sensory intuition yield precisely only the intuition in space and not
some other kind.� (Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, ibid. pg 376)
*9* [Footnote pg 274]
�This alienation, in order to remain comprehensible to the philosophers, can naturally be
sublated only under two practical prerequisites.� (Karl Marx/Frederick Engels, The
German Ideology, Berlin 1960, pg 31)
*10* [Footnote pg 276]
�Shortly after the publication of Heidegger�s masterwork, its objective-ontological
implication could already be demonstrated in Kierkegaard�s concept of existence
[Existenzbegriff] and the recoil of the objectless interior into negative objectivity.� (See
Theodor W. Adorno, Kierkegaard: Construction of the Aesthetic, Frankfurt am Main,
1962, pg 87)
*11* [Footnote pg 279]
�Every such act is right, which can exist together � or, whose maxim permits the freedom
of the caprice of everyone � with everyone�s freedom in accordance with a universal
law.� (Kant, Metaphysics of Morals, Introduction to the Doctrine of Law, Section C, WW
VI, Academy Edition, Pg. 230)
*12* [Footnote pg 286]
It is easy to reckon against the concept of the intelligible, that it would be forbidden to
positively mention unknown causes of appearances, even in the uttermost abstraction. A
concept over which simply nothing is to be said, cannot be operated with, it would be
equal to nothingness, nothingness also its own content. Therein German idealism had one
of its most effective arguments against Kant, without the former stopping very long at the
Kantian-Leibnizian idea of the border-concept. Meanwhile one would need to
remonstrate against Fichte�s and Hegel�s plausible critique of Kant. It follows for its part
traditional logic, which rejects discussing something which would not be reduced to the
content of the thing, which comprises the substance of that concept, as idle. In their
rebellion against Kant, the idealists have overzealously forgotten the principle which they
followed against him: that the consistency of thought compels the construction of
concepts, which have no representative in the positively determinable given fact. For the
sake of the speculation, they denounced Kant as a speculator, guilty of the same
positivism which they accused him of. In the alleged failure of the Kantian apologetics of
the thing in itself, which the logic of consistency since Maimon could so triumphantly
demonstrate, the memory lives on in Kant of the ghostly moment counter to the logic of
consistency, non-identity. That is why he, who certainly did not mistake the consistency
of his critics, protested against them and would rather be convicted of dogmatism than
absolutize identity, from whose own meaning, as Hegel recognized quickly enough, the
relation to something non-identical is inalienable. The construction of the thing in itself
and the intelligible character is that of something non-identical as the condition of the
possibility of identification, but also that which eludes the grasp of the categorical
identification.
*13* [Footnote pg 289]
Concerning the relationship of the Kantian doctrine of the will to that of Leibniz and
Spinoza, see Johan Eduard Erdmann, History of Modern Philosophy, Neudruck Stuttgart
1932, especially Volume 4, pg 128.
*14* [Footnote pg 292]
�Heartfelt thanks, my most esteemed and dearest friend, for the revelation of your kind
sentiments towards me, which duly arrived along with your beautiful present the day after
my birthday! The portrait which Mr. Loewe, a Jewish painter, produced without my
permission, is indeed supposed, as my friends say, to have a degree of similarity with me,
but a connoisseur of paintings said at the first glance: a Jew always paints another Jew;
whereupon he puts the emphasis on the nose: but enough of this.� (From: Kant�s Letters,
Volume 2, 1789-1794, Berlin 1900, pg 33)